The brief autobiography of Rettaimalai Srinivasan – Part 7

ஆதி திராவிடர் சமூக மேற்பட்டதெப்படி?
How was Adi Dravida society formed?

இராஜ பிரதிநிதியும் கவர்னர் ஜெனரலுமான எல்ஜின் (Elgin) பிரபு 1895 டிசெம்பர் 6 சென்னைக்கு விஜயமானபோது பறையர் சமூகத்தை நிலைநாட்ட கருதி சென்னை நகரில் ஜெனரல் பாட்டர்ஸ்ரோடும் மவுண்டு ரோடும் சந்திக்குமிடத்தில் விசாலமான மவுண்டு ரோடுக்கு குறுக்கே நீண்டதோர் பந்தலிட்டு அதை சிங்காரித்து மத்தியில் இரு புறங்களிலும் ‘பறையர் மகாஜன சபையார் மாக்ஷிமை தங்கிய எல்ஜின் பிரபு பெருமாட்டி வரவேற்பு’ என்று தங்கம்போன்ற எழுத்துகளை யொட்டி நாட்டியா பிரிடஷ்த்வஜங்கள் காற்றிலசைத்து வருக! வருக! வென்றழைக்க இந்திய அரசர் மற்றும் பிரதான கனவான்க்களுமுள் பிரவேசித்து ரதாரூடறாய் போக அவ்வினத்தவர் கண்டு கழித்து மகிழ்ந்து பெருமை கொண்டாடினார்கள். இரவிலும் தீபாலங்காரமிருந்தன.

When the royal representative and the Governor General Lord Elgin came to Chennai on December 6, 1895, in order to establish the Paraiyar community, a giant arch was erected across the breadth of Mount Road where it meets General Patters Road. It was decorated, and in the centre and on both sides, it bore in golden letters ‘Paraiyar Mahajana Sabha welcome the most excellent Lord Elgin’. The festoons waved in the breeze as if to say, ‘Welcome! Welcome!’, and the members of the Indian government and other dignitaries proceeded through it royally, as people of this clan watched with joy and pride. At night, there were lamps to adorn it.

கவர்னர் ஜெனரல் அவர்களுக்கு வந்தனோபசார பத்திரிக்கை சமர்பிக்க உத்தரவு பெற்று மகாஜான சபை தலைவரையும் ஆறு அங்கத்தினர்களையும் காரியதரிசியாகிய நான் கவர்னர் வீட்டுக்கு அழைத்து போனேன். போகும் வழியில் எங்களில் ஒருவர் ஓர் ஆலோசனைச்செய்து இவ்வினத்திலுள்ள ஓர் கனதனவானையும் அழைத்து போகலாம் என்றார். அதற்கிசைந்து சென்று அந்த தனவானைக் கண்டபோது அவர் தாமதம்செய்து வார்த்தைகாலாடி வராமல்போனார். அதனால் காலதாமதமாகி குறித்த நேரத்திற்குமேல் அரைமணி தாமதமாகிவிட்டது. எங்களைக் காணாததால் கவர்ன்மெண்டு மாளிகைக்குள் பிரவேசிக்க பயந்து எங்கேனும் நாங்கள் நின்று கொண்டிருப்போமென்று கட்டிடத்தைச்சுற்றி சேவகர்கள் தேடிப்பார்த்துக் கொண்டிருந்தார்கள். நேராய் கட்டிடத்திற்கு முன்புறம் சென்று வண்டிகளை விட்டிறங்கி உள்பிரவசித்தோம். கவர்னர் மாளிகைக்குள் இதற்குமுன் இவ்வினத்தவர் பிரவேசித்ததில்லை யாகையால் சீப்செக்ரடியாருக்கு இந்த சந்தேகமுண்டாயிற்று.

When they received the order to submit their message of welcome to the Governor General, I, as the secretary, took the Mahajan Sabha leader and six members to the Governor’s house. On the way, one of them suggested that we take along another man. When we went to see him, he delayed us, exchanged words and did not come with us. We were thus delayed by half an hour beyond the appointed time. Since they could not see us, the servants were searching for us around the building, wondering if we were afraid to enter the Government Bungalow and were standing somewhere outside. We went straight to the entrance of the building, alighted from our vehicles and entered. Nobody from this clan has ever entered the Governor’s Bungalow before and that was why the Chief Secretary had had this doubt.

அங்கே ஆங்கிலேய இந்தியர்கள், மகமதியர்கள், கிறிஸ்தவர்கள், எட்டு எட்டுபேர்கள் கும்பல் கும்பலாக நின்றுகொண்டு காத்திருந்தார்கள். நாங்களும் ஒரு கும்பலாக சேர்ந்து நின்றோம். எங்களைக்கண்ட மாற்ற சமூகத்தார் வெறுப்பும் சினமுங் கொண்டவர்களாகத் தோற்றப்பட்டார்கள். அவர்களோடு எங்களையும் சமமாக ஒரு சமூகத்தவராக அங்கீகரித்து தக்க சமாதானமான நல்மொழி கூறினார் எல்ஜின் பிரபு. அன்றுமுதல் இந்து சமூகத்தினின்று பிரிந்து பறையர் தனியதோர் சமூகத்தவர்களாக அங்கீகரிக்கப்பட்டார்கள். பின் இந்த இராஜபிரதினதிகளும் கவர்னர்களும் இவர்களை தனியதோர் சமூகமாக அங்கீகரித்தும் அனுசரித்தும் வருகின்றார்கள். 1898 மாக்ஷிமைபொருந்திய மகாராணி இந்தியா சக்ரவர்த்தினியின் அறுவதாவது ஆளுகைவிழாவின் போது வாழ்த்து கூறி அனுப்பிய உபசார பத்திரிகையை ராணியார் அகமகிழ்ந்து அங்கீகரித்ததாக இந்தியா செக்ரடரியார் 1898 ஜூன் 11 எழுதியிருக்கின்றார். மேற்கண்ட மூன்று சமூகத்தவர் போல் பறையர் பஞ்சமர் தாழ்த்தப்பட்டார் என்னும் பலபேரால் அழைக்கப்பட்டு வந்து இப்போது ஆதி திராவிடர் என வழங்கும் சமூகத்தவர்களுக்கு இதர சமூகத்தவர்கள்போல் அரசாங்கத்தில் காரிய நிர்வாகத்திலும், பரிபாலன நிறைவேற்றத்திலும் இராஜிய வியவகார மந்திரி பதவியிலும், பங்கு பெரும் உரிமை உண்டாகியிருக்கிறது. ஆனதால் சட்ட சபைகள், முனிசிபாலிட்டிகள், லோக்கல் போர்டுகள் பஞ்சாயத்துகள் மற்றுமுள்ள ஸ்தாபனங்களுக்கு அங்கங்களாகவும், சிவில் சர்வீஸில் உயர்தர உத்தியோகச்தராகவும் இந்த இனத்தவர்கள் மந்திரிகளாகவும் மேயர்களாகவும் அமையப்படுவதுமின்றி கல்வியிலும் செல்வத்திலும் விருத்திபெற மேற்கண்ட இனத்தவர்களை நான் சேகரித்து ஒரு முக்கிய குல சமூகமாக நிலைநாட்டியதே மூலகாரணமாகும். இச்சமூகத்தவர்களின் மகாசபை தொடர்ந்து நடைப்பெற்றே வந்திருக்கிறது. காலவரையருத்தல் முன்னிட்டு பெயர் மாற்றப்பட்டது. சென்னை மாகாண தாழ்த்தப்பட்டார் ஐக்கிய மகாசபை (Madras Depressed Classes Federation) என்றும் (Scheduled Castes Party) செட்யூல் காஸ்ட் பார்ட்டி என்றும் இவ்வினத்திலுள்ள கனவான்கள் நடத்தி வருகிறார்கள். அதில் என்னை தலைவராக தேர்ந்தெடுத்திருக்கிறார்கள்.

There Anglo Indians, Mohammedans and Christians stood in groups of eight, waiting. We, too, joined them as a group. Seeing us, the people of the other communities seemed to have hatred and anger on their faces. Lord Elgin spoke soothing words of goodwill, acknowledging us as a community equal to theirs. From that day on, the Paraiyar community were acknowledged as separate from Hindus. Then the royal representatives and Governors began to acknowledge and honour this community as distinct and separate. In 1898, the Indian Secretary wrote to us on June 6 to say that the her excellency the Queen, Empress of India, had received with great delight and acknowledged the wishes that we had sent for for the 60th anniversary of her coronation. Just like for the three communities mentioned above, the ones who were called by many names including Paraiyar, Panjamar and Depressed Classes, were now called Adi Dravidar and the right to participate in the Government’s administration and ministerial posts came into being. Besides people of this clan being appointed as ministers and mayors, in Legislative Assemblies, Municipalities, Local Boards, Panchayats and other administrative posts, in high posts in the Civil Service, that they may grow in wealth and education, the efforts I put into gathering this community to make it an important part of society were a principal reason. The Mahasabha of the people of this community continues to function. The name was changed in the course of time. The Madras Depressed Classes Federation and the Scheduled Castes Party are conducted by respectable members of this community. They have also selected me as the leader for this.

இன்றைக்கும் இவ்வினத்தவரை ஜாதி இந்துக்கள் இம்சித்தே வருகிறார்கள். சில வருஷங்களாக சிவில் சர்வீஸ் பரீக்ஷை இந்தியாவிலும் நடைபெற்று வருகிறது. இந்த பரீக்ஷையில் தேர தமது குல வாலிபர்களும் அபேக்ஷகராகும் திறமையில் வந்திருப்பதால் பரீக்ஷை இந்தியாவில் நடப்பதைப்பற்றி எதிர் மறுக்கப் படவில்லை. நித்தியா கருமானுஷ்டங்களை நடத்துகிறபோது என் இனத்தவர்கள் தௌர்பாக்கியமான நிலைமையை நினைத்து அவர்கள் அபிவிருத்தியடைந்து வாழக் கிருபைகூர கடவுளை நோக்கி நான் பிரார்த்தித்து வருகிறேன். தங்கள் சமூகத்தை சீர் தூக்க பாடுபடுபவர்கள் வம்ச பாரம்பரியமாய் சகல சம்பத்துடையவர்களாவார்கள்.

Till date, the caste Hindus torture the people of this clan. For some years now, the Civil Service exam has been held in India too. Young men of the clan have established their merit and risen in the ranks in the exam, and this cannot be denied. While conducting my rituals, I think of the blessed state of the people of my clan and I pray to god that they may continue to flourish. Those who labour to uplift their people will live with all wealth and honour across generations.

…

To be contd.

இந்த புத்தகத்தின் பதிப்புரை இங்கே, எழுத்தாளரின் முகவுரையும, அரசாங்கத்தார் அபிப்பிராயம் என்னும் அத்தியாயம் இங்கே. ஜீவிய சரித்திர சுருக்கம் இங்கே துவங்குகிறது. அதற்கடுத்து வரும் செய்திகள் – பறையன் பத்திரிக்கையைப் பற்றியும், லண்டன் பயணத்தைப் பற்றியும் உள்ள பகுதிகள் இங்கே, அதன் பின் வரும் பகுதியில், சாதி வேறுபாடின் துவக்கமும், காங்கிரஸ்காரர் சிவில் சர்வீஸ் பரிக்ஷை இந்தியாவில் நடத்தவேண்டும் என்ற விண்ணப்பத்திற்கு எதிரே புறப்பட்ட மனுவைப் பற்றியும். இந்த மனு இங்கிலாந்திலும் இந்தியாவிலும் ஏற்பட்ட தாக்கத்தைப் பற்றி இங்கே.

The publisher’s preface to the book is here, the author’s preface and the chapter titled the ‘Government’s Opinion’ is here. The brief autobiography begins here. The next part about the Paraiyan journal and the travel to London is here, which is followed by the section on the origin of caste and the birth of a petition against the Congress demand to hold the Civil Services exam in India and the impact it has in both England and India.

The brief autobiography of Rettaimalai Srinivasan – Part 5

இந்த புத்தகத்தின் பதிப்புரை இங்கே, எழுத்தாளரின் முகவுரையும, அரசாங்கத்தார் அபிப்பிராயம் என்னும் அத்தியாயம் இங்கே. ஜீவிய சரித்திர சுருக்கம் இங்கே துவங்குகிறது. அதற்கடுத்து வரும் செய்திகள் – பறையன் பத்திரிக்கையைப் பற்றியும், லண்டன் பயணத்தைப் பற்றியும் உள்ள பகுதிகள் இங்கே

The publisher’s preface to the book is here, the author’s preface and the chapter titled the ‘Government’s Opinion’ is here. The brief autobiography begins here. The next part about the Paraiyan journal and the travel to London is here.

சமூகம்

Society

ஆரியர்கள் நமது தேசத்தில் குடியேறிவந்து ஜாதி கோட்பாடுகள் உண்டாக்கியபோது இப்போது பறையர், பஞ்சமர், ஆதி திராவிடர்களேன்னும்  திராவிடர்கள் இசையாமல் பல துன்பங்களுக்குட்பட்டுகொண்டு தனியே சேரி என்னும் தங்கள் கிராமங்களையுன்டாக்கி கோயில், குளம், குரு, கிராம தலைவர் (நாட்டாண்மைக்காரர்), பஞ்சாயத்தார், வண்ணான், அம்பட்டன், சுடுகாடு, இடுகாடு, விதவாவிவாகம், விவாக சம்மந்த விலக்கு முதலியவையுடன் கிராமங்களில் தனி சமூகமாய் வாழ்ந்து வந்திருக்கிறார்கள். தேசாயி செட்டி என்போர் இவர்களுக்குள்ளுண்டாகும் வழக்கை தீர்ப்பதாக பணம் பறித்து போகும் வழக்கம் ஒழிந்துவருகிறது. நான் கண்டித்து வந்திருக்கிறேன். இவர்கள் வெளிப்படையாய் வந்து தங்கள் சுதந்திரங்களை பாராட்டாமல் ஆரியர் ஜாதி கோட்பாட்டுக்குள்ளானவர்கள். இவர்களை யடக்கி வைத்து வந்தார்கள். இவர்கள் தங்கள் உரிமைகளைக் கேட்டு அனுபவிக்கும்படி பெரியதோர் சமூகமாக சேர்க்க முயன்றேன். பத்திரிகையில் வெளியான விஷயங்களையுணர்ந்த இவ்வினத்தவர் தேசமெங்கும் கூட்டங்கள் கூடி தங்களுக்கிருக்கும் இடுக்கண்களைப்பற்றியும் தங்கள் அபிவிருத்தியைப்பற்றியும் பேசி வந்தார்கள். சென்னையில் ‘பறையர்’ மகா ஜனசபை என்ற தலைமைசபை யொன்று ஸ்தாபிக்கப்பட்டது. அதற்கு நானே காரியதரிசியாகவிருந்து நடத்தி வந்தேன்.

When the Aryans settled in our country and created the rules of caste, the Dravidians – who are now called Paraiyar, Panjamar and Adi Dravidar – were subject to much misery for they refused to concede. They lived as a separate society, in a separate space called the Cheri. They created their villages with such things as their temple, pond, priest, village head, panchayat members, washerman, barber, burial ground, burning ghat, and the customs of widow remarriage and divorce. The custom of the Thesaayi Chetti, who would come under the guise of resolving their disputes, snatch their money and leave, is now vanishing. I continue to condemn this practice. Instead of openly celebrating their freedom, they have been absorbed into the Aryan caste rules. Those people have kept them under control. I tried to collect them into a large community, that they may ask for and enjoy their rights. Reading and understanding all that was published in the journal, people of this clan gathered in groups across the nation to talk about the obstacles they faced and their development. In Chennai, a central group called the ‘Paraiyar’ Mahajana Sabha was established. I was the Secretary who led this group.

1895-ம் வருஷத்தில் ஓர் சம்பவம் நேரிட்டது. அதாவது லண்டன் நகரில் சிவில் சர்வீஸ் பரிக்ஷை நடந்து கொண்டிருந்தது. அந்த பரிக்ஷையில் தேருகிறவர்கள் ஆங்கிலேயரே. அவர்கள் தான் கலெக்டர்களாகவும்  ஜட்ஜிகளாகவும் இன்னும் தேசபரிபாலனத்தில் உத்திரவாதமான உயர்ந்த பதவிகளினின்று தேச பரிபாலனஞ் செய்து கொண்டுவந்தார்கள். அந்த பரீக்ஷை இந்தியாவிலும் நடைபெற வேண்டுமென பிரிட்டிஷ் பார்லிமெண்டில் காங்கிரஸ்காரர்கள் ஓர் மசோதா சமர்பித்தார்கள். அந்த பரீக்ஷையானது இந்தியாவிலும் நடந்தால் ஜாதி இந்துக்கள் உயர்தர உத்தியோகங்களை வகித்து ஏழை ஜாதியானவர்களைத் தீண்டாதார் என்று இம்சிப்பார்களென பறையர் மகா ஜன சபையார் சென்னை வெசிலியன் மிஷன் காலேஜ் ஆலில் 1893 டிசம்பர் 23 தேதி ஒரு பெருங்கூட்டம் கூடி அந்த மசோதாவை எதிர் மறுத்து 112 அடி நீளமுள்ள ஒரு மனுவில் 3412 கையொப்பங்கள் சேகரித்து ஜெனரல் சர் ஜார்ஜ் செஸ்னி (Genl. Sir Geo. Chesney) என்னும் பார்லிமெண்டு மெம்பரைக் கொண்டு சமர்பித்தார்கள். அதைக்கண்ட காங்கிரஸ்காரர் தங்கள் மனுவை பின்னித்துக் கொண்டார்கள். அதின்பின் கீழ்தர உத்தியோகங்களிலிருந்து மேல்தர உத்தியோகத்தை வகிக்க யோக்கியதையுள்ளவர்களை நியமிக்கலாமென இந்திய செக்ரடரியார் உத்தரவளித்தார். எதிர் மறுப்பு மனு அனுபந்தம் 1-ல் காண்க.

In 1895, an incident took place. The Civil Services exams were on in London. Only the English would pass those exams. Only they could become Collectors and Judges and hold other high offices to perform tasks of national administration. Members of the Congress submitted a petition to the British Parliament that these exams should be conducted in India also. The Paraiyar Mahajana Sabha gathered as a large crowd at the Chennai Wesleyan Mission College Hall on December 23, 1893, to collect signatures opposing this petition, saying that if those exams were held in India too, the caste Hindus would corner all the high-ranking posts and would torture the poor castes by terming them untouchable. The opposing petition was 112 feet long with 3412 signatures and was submitted to the British Parliament through the Parliament member called General Sir George Chesney. Seeing this, the Congressmen withdrew their petition. After this, the India Secretary issued orders that all those in lower posts can be appointed to higher postings if they have the requisite capacity. (Look at appendix 1 to see the opposing petition)

…

To be contd.

The brief autobiography of Rettaimalai Srinivasan – Part 3

இந்த புத்தகத்தின் பதிப்புரை இங்கே, அரசாங்கத்தார் அபிப்பிராயம் என்னும் அத்தியாயம் இங்கே.

The publisher’s preface to the book is here, the chapter titled the ‘Government’s Opinion’ is here.

ஜீவிய சரித்திர சுருக்கம்

[மூல பிரதியில் ஒரு வரி சிதைந்துபோயுள்ளது]…காலத்தில் தஞ்சாவுரிலிருந்து வியாபார சார்பாக சென்னை பட்டணம் வந்ததாக என் பெரியோர்கள் சொல்வார்கள்.

[One line missing in the text received]…in this time, my elders say, our ancestors came to Chennai city from Thanjavur for purposes of trade.

நான் செங்கல்பட்டு கிராமங்களிலோன்றில் 1860-ம் வருஷம் பிறந்தேன். கோயம்புத்தூர் கலாசாலையில் நான் வாசித்தபோது சுமார் 400 பிள்ளைகளில் 10 பேர் தவிர மற்றவர்கள் பிராமணர். ஜாதி கோட்பாடுகள் மிக கடினமாய் கவனிக்கப்பட்டன. பிள்ளைகளிடம் சிநேகித்தால் ஜாதி, குடும்பம், இருப்பிட முதலானவைகளை தெரிந்துகொண்டால் அவர்கள் தாழ்வாக என்னை நடத்துவார்கள் என்று பயந்து பள்ளிக்கு வெளியே எங்கேனும் வாசித்துக்கொண்டிருந்து பள்ளி ஆரம்ப மணி அடித்தபிறகு வகுப்புக்குள் போவேன். வகுப்பு கலையும்போது என்னை மாணாக்கர்கள் எட்டாதபடி வீட்டுக்கு கடுகான நடந்து சேருவேன். பிள்ளைகளோடு கூடி விளையாடக் கூடாமையான கொடுமையை நினைத்து மனங்கலங்கி எண்ணி எண்ணி இந்த இடுக்கத்தை எப்படி மேற்கொள்ளுவதென்று யோசிப்பேன். கணக்கர் தொழிலில் தேர்ந்து நீலகிரி என்னும் மலைநாட்டில் ஐரோப்பிய வியாபாரசாலைகளில் கணக்கராக இருந்த பத்து வருடகாலமட்டும் தீண்டாமை என்பதை எப்படி ஒழிப்பதென்னும் கவலை எனக்குள் ஓயாமலிருந்தது.

I was born in one of the villages of Chengelpet in the year 1860. When I was reading in the Coimbatore School of Arts, out of about 400 children, except 10 of them, all of them were Brahmin. The rules of caste were maintained with great strictness. Afraid that the children should find out about my caste, family and the place I live in, if I became friendly with them, I would sit somewhere outside the school, reading, until after the first bell was rung. When classes were dismissed, I would walk as fast as I can home, so that the students wouldn’t be able to keep up with me. Thinking repeatedly about the cruelty of not being allowed to join other children in play, I would grow sad and think about how to overcome this obstacle. I joined the profession of accountancy and worked in European trading houses in the hill country of Nilgiris for ten years and the worry about how to destroy untouchability was constantly with me.

1890-ம் வருஷம் சென்னைக்கு வந்து “பறையர்” என்போரை இதர ஜாதியாரைப்போல் மேல் நிலைக்கு கொண்டுவந்து மதிக்கும்படி செய்வதெப்படி என்று மூன்று வருடமாய் பல ஆராய்ச்சிகள் செய்தேன். தெற்கு நோக்கி ரெயில் மார்க்கமாகவும் பெரும்பாலும் நடந்தும் கும்பகோணத்தில் பாழாக்கப்பட்ட நந்தன் கோட்டை மதில், தோல்காசு நந்தன், கலம்பகம் பாடிய நந்தன், கம்மாளர் கட்டியிருந்த காந்த கோட்டையானது சாம்பவ ராஜகுமாரியால் அழிக்கப்பட்டது, திருநாளைப்போவார் என்னும் நந்தனார் நின்று துதித்த ஊமைகுலக் கரை, அதையடுத்த மடம், திருச்சிராபள்ளி சாம்பவ சாம்பான், தஞ்சாவூர் பிரவியடை சாம்பான் பெரியநாயகி, மாரியம்மை, திருவாரூர் தியாக சாம்பான் முதலானவர்களைத் தகனம்செய்த இடங்களில் கட்டியிருக்கும் திருப்பணிகள், யானையேரும் பெரும்பறையன் சமாதி, அவர் சந்ததியாருக்கு திருவாரூர் தியாக சாம்பான் ஆலயத்திலுள்ள உரிமைகள், அவர்கள் வளவில் ஒரு இரவு தங்கி விசாரித்துக் கொண்டு பல தேவாலயங்களை அடுத்து ஆங்காங்குள்ள இவ்வினத்தவர்களைக் கண்டும் குளிக்கவும் குடிக்கவும் நீரற்று, வசிக்கும் குடிசை நிலையற்று, நடக்க பாதையற்று, பிழைக்க வழிவகையற்று, எங்கு சென்றாலும் தீண்டாமை என்னும் கொடுமைக்காளாகி, வாய்திறந்து பேசினால் அடி படுவதுமான குறை கோள்களைக் கேட்கும் அதிகாரிகளும், ஜாதி இந்துக்களுக்கு அஞ்சி வஞ்சகமாய் நடப்பதுமான ஆற்றொன்ன துன்பத்த்நின்று அவர்கள் படும் துயரத்தை யுனனர்ந்து பூர்வ சரித்திரத்தையும் விசாரித்தறிந்து திரும்பினேன்.

In 1890, I came to Chennai and undertook research for three years on how I could bring those called ‘Paraiyar’ to a higher state, like those of other castes, and make others respect them. I would walk great distances towards the South along the railway line and look at the destroyed walls of the Nandan fort in Kumbakonam, Tholkaasu Nandan, the Nandan who sang the Kalambagam, the Kandha Fort that was built by the Kammalar and wiped out by the Sambava princess, the Oomai Lake by the shores of which the Nandanar called Thirunaalaipovar had sung his praises, the Mutt next to it, the places where Tiruchirapalli Saambava Saambaan, the Thanjavur Saambaan Periyanaayagi, Maariammai, Thiruvarur Thiyaga Sambaan had offered sacrifices and the structures built in those places, the Samadhi of the Perumparaiyan who rode on elephants, the rights that his descendants have in the Thiruvarur Thiyaga Sambaan temple. Staying in these parts for a night, I would inquire about such things, see these people living next to several temples without water to bathe or drink, living in temporary huts, without paths to walk in and without ways to survive, subject to the cruelty of untouchability wherever they went, who were beaten if they should so much as open their mouths and talk, living in fear of officials and caste Hindus and practising deceit out of fear, living in sorrow that cannot be ameliorated, realising the pain they suffered, I would learn of our old history and return.

சர்க்கார் ரிக்கார்டுகளை பரிசோதித்து பார்த்தபோது 1772-ம் வருஷ முதல் இவ்வினத்தவர் பொருட்டாய் அவர்கள் கவலை எடுத்துவந்ததாக காணப்பட்டது. 1818-ம் வருஷம் இவ்வின குடியானவர்கள் முன்னேற்றமடைய வழிவகைகளைத் தெரிவிக்கும்படி கலெக்டர்களை ரேவிநியுபோர்டார்  கேட்டிருந்தார்கள். அது எப்பிடியாயிற்றென்று தெரியவில்லை. 1893 – ம் வருஷம் கல்வி கற்பித்து கொடுக்க தலைபட்டார்கள். 120 வருஷம் தூண்டுவாரற்று இருந்தார்கள். 1893-ம் வருஷம் சர்க்கார் வெளியிட்ட உத்தரவை ஒரு சிலாசாசனமாய் இவ்வினத்தார்கள் எண்ணினாலும் பலிதபடாமல் போய்விட்டது. அதற்கடுத்த படியாகத்தான் 1893-ம் வருஷம் ‘பறையன்’ என்ற பத்திரிக்கையை தூண்டுகோலாக வெளியிட்டேன்.

Looking through the old records of the Sarkar, it could be seen that they have been concerned about these people from 1772. In 1818, the Revenue Board had asked Collectors  to find ways in which these people could be helped to progress. It is not known what became of that request. In 1893, they sought to impart education to these people. They had lain for 120 years with none to care for them. Though these people were enthused by the orders that were issued by the Sarkar in 1893, they did not receive the fruits of it. Next, in 1893, I published ‘Paraiyan’ as a provocation to action.

இந்த ராஜதானியில் பேதைகளாய் இடுக்கன்களுக்குள்ளாகிக் கிடக்கும் கோடிக்கணக்கான மக்கள் மத்தியிலேயே முதன்முதலாக தோன்றி உழைத்து வந்த என் உபகாரத்திர்காக அரசாங்கத்தார் எனக்கு ராவ்சாஹிப் என்னும் பட்டம் 1926-ம் வருஷம் ஜனவரி மாதம் 1-ந் தேதியிலும், ராவ்பஹதூர் பட்டம் 1930-ம் வருஷம் ஜூன் மாதம் மூன்றாம் தேதியிலும், திவான்பஹதூர் என்னும் பட்டம் 1936-ம் வருஷம் ஜனவரி மாதம் 1 -ந் தேதியிலும் மகிழ்ச்சியுடன் அளித்திருக்கின்றார்கள்.

From the many crores of innocents who have been made to stumble upon obstacles within our royal estate, for being the first one to rise and labour for them, the government delighted in giving me the Rao Sahib title on January 1, 1926, the Rao Bahadur title on June 3, 1930 and the Diwan Bahadur title on January 1, 1936.

Untouchable? A transcript – Part II

This transcript was made available by Lifeonline – a website initiative providing audiences around the world with information about the impact of globalization on poverty and social development. Excerpts from this transcript and links to a clip from the documentary are available here. Read the full transcript here. Read the first part here.

…

VEERASAMY (translation): It is our destiny to wash these things. That’s why we have to do this work. We wash linen by hand and return it. Even linen used in childbirth and during abortions.

COMM: At the washerman’s the pre-washing is now finished and the family can eat the leftovers which Dhasam has collected in a pot in the village and brought down to the river.

VEERASAMY (translation): My wife also comes from a washerman’s family. They do the same work as we do. So we don’t have family problems. If she was from another caste and if she disagreed with me she might regret that she ever married me. But she doesn’t belong to another caste so there is no problem.

COMM: The laundry has been steamed for one hour and the family is ready for the big washing programme of the afternoon.

ASSAM translation): I go to work because my family is poor. Other children are not poor and their parents aren’t sick but I have to work.

MANI (Mill owner) (Translation): If the boys fall ill their parents ask me to lend them 500 rupees. We also pay an advance of two to five thousand rupees before they start working. If they have problems we help them.

COMM: It is Assam’s personal responsibility to repay the family’s debt to the owner of the looms.

ASSAM (translation): We were paid 4000 rupees in advance and they take away 200 every month.

COMM: 200 rupees are five dollars (US).

QUESTION: Do you get any more than that?

ASSAM ( translation) No only 200. Yes 200 only.

Mr KUMAR (translation): We can’t ever pay back our debts because when we borrow 300 he writes down 400. Maybe we will have to be here for the rest of our lives.

QUESTION: So you’ll have to remain in slavery?

MR KUMAR (translation): Yes.

COMM: Their children are the stonemasons’ only hope of breaking their chains. With help from a local organization the children are able to attend school for a couple of hours every weekday. By learning to read, write and do arithmetic they will be able to take their first steps towards changing their destiny. It’s a long and difficult road ahead – one made harder by the repressive reaction of the authorities whenever the outcasts attempt to protest.

PRABAKARAN (translation): In former times the outcasts didn’t come here. But today 75% of those who do the cleaning here are outcasts. They also move the statues around.

QUESTION: But they work here?

PRABAKARAN (translation): In former times when we were on our way to the temple the outcasts would step aside for us and take off their scarves and shoes in order to pay their respect. But now they stick close to us. They have changed. We used to put things out for them outside which they would come and pick up. But now they simply stretch out their hands and want us to put things directly into their hands because they say they are cleaner than we are. They wash themselves twice a day.

QUESTION: What do you think of that?

PRABAKARAN (translation) I don’t want to comment on that. It’s very difficult. I don’t speak to them and I don’t give them anything.

QUESTION: Of that which you’ve been sacrificing?

PRABAKARAN (translation): When they enter I go out.

VEERASAMY (translation): I don’t want my children to grow up and have these kind of problems – this kind of work. They should learn as much as possible. If only somebody would help us give them an education then we would support them. But with this work it is impossible for us. We wish to give them a good education. We don’t want them to end up in this job. If only they could study they would do something other than this. This work ends with me. I don’t want them to do this.

COMM: Kumar and the other stonemason families have the afternoon off. They cannot work because of the nearby blastings in the quarry.

However not all Dalits are prepared to go on being treated as social and cultural outcasts in India. In the summer of 1999 thousands of Dalit labourers from tea plantations in the state of Tamil Nadu mounted a demonstration for higher wages. As in previous cases the authorities’ reaction was to clamp down. These pictures from the film “Death of the River” showing the labourers demonstration were screened 3 months later in a small cinema in Madras. The film was subsequently seized by the police and the owner of the cinema was arrested under Indian Censorship laws governing commercial feature films. Police brutality cost 18 lives.

MR KUMAR (translation): We are 19 families here and we stick together. We have no problems or disagreements. Some of us are related but we are like one big happy family. We listen to each other, we also respect what the children say. We live in harmony with one another and respect each other. We don’t argue. Our extended family doesn’t work like that.

ASSAM (translation): If I worked faster I could make one month’s pay in 25 days. If I did I could provide for my family. If I was paid 1500 rupees I could pay the bills and the hospital bill and still save money for my own weaving mill and find a house and make it fitted for weaving activities. There should be room for it. We could start out with one loom, later we could buy another one, then three, then four and so forth.

VEERASAMY (translation): In terms of rights a washerman stands alone. There is only one washerman in each village. If somebody supported me we could fight for our rights. But there is only me. I am left in the lurch. If you want to achieve something you have to be either rich or be in a group of many people. I am neither.

***

Untouchable? A transcript – Part I

This transcript was made available by Lifeonline – a website initiative providing audiences around the world with information about the impact of globalization on poverty and social development. Excerpts from this transcript and links to a clip from the documentary are available here. Read the full transcript here.

…

ARCHBISHOP DESMOND TUTU: I want to tell you about the plight of the Dalits – a community of 200 million fellow human beings in India – the so-called Untouchables. They suffer from discrimination under the caste system which has dehumanised them. You will see in the episode of Life what it means to be born into this community.

India was in the forefront in the struggle against apartheid. We believe that the Indian people would want to end the scourge which is a blot for humanity in this new millennium. Let us work together to end it.

COMM: India has nuclear weapons. A computer industry and its very own Hollywood. It has an extremely rich upper class population and a huge middle class. But it also has 200 million poor outcasts – or Dalits – who are stigmatised from the day they are born and who suffer massive discrimination.

Veerasamy lives in a small village in Southern India. All the inhabitants here are outcasts. Veerasamy’s job consists of doing the washing for the 19 families of the village.

VEERASAMY (Translation): When I go and collect the laundry I ask why we have to do this. We have to do it because we belong to this caste. People say we will be reborn and that is the reason why we must do it.

COMM: And the outcasts themselves are subdivided into further groupings. The washermen and women belong to the very lowest scale of their hierarchy. The only payment Veerasamy receives for his work are the left-overs from meals the other inhabitants in the village have already eaten.

Old people usually say that it causes you no harm to do this kind of job. They say that in the end you will go to heaven for having done this.

QUESTION: Do you believe in that?

VEERASAMY: One would have to die to find out! (laughs)

COMM: Veerasamy’s family have been washermen for generations. Coming from the lowest caste in Indian society, it’s their destiny. His wife Dhasam and the three children of the family help him to do the work.

VEERASAMY (Translation): If we had our own land we would be happy. We would not depend on others. But we don’t have our own place and we have to be very servile and obey orders. If we had our own land we could work hard and do something else. For instance we could open a fruit shop. But we are dependent on others and that is the reason why we have to live this way. If you are rich it’s no problem.

COMM: Discrimination based on caste membership has been prohibited by law since India gained Independence in 1947. But the 200 million outcasts of the country are being oppressed and still discriminated against. Many have left their fingerprints on contracts which make them indebted for the rest of their lives to people from higher castes. Very often too the outcasts or Dalits are caught up in conditions that are more like slavery.

Mr KUMAR (translation): This is very dangerous work. You can hardly avoid being hurt. But we have to work. The stones cut me on both arms and legs. Look at the scars on my legs. . . and here. But we tolerate it because we are fighting for our lives. We are fighting the Grim Reaper. It is a hard and deadly dangerous job.

COMM: Mr Kumar and his family are bonded labourers. They owe money to the owner of the quarry.

Mr KUMAR (translation): During the rainy season the stones are buried under the soil and my manager says we must dig them out. We have to dig out the stones and cut them to pieces – if we don’t we receive no payment. I can’t go anywhere else because we have been paid in advance. So he would claim his money before we could go anywhere. If we just knew how to make some money we could choose to do something else. We have to work like slaves to survive. We have to work like slaves to earn our daily bread.

COMM: Assam is 12. He’s the son of outcast parents and has been working in the silk industry since he was 8. He is just one out of approximately 100 million child labourers in India.

ASSAM: I work 10 hours a day. From 7.30 am to 6 pm without lunch.

QUESTION: And what about lunch?

ASSAM: That will make 10 hours

QUESTION: And you work how many day a week?

ASSAM: All seven days of the week.

QUESTION: You don’t have a day off on Sundays?

ASSAM: No.

QUESTION: You don’t have Sundays?

ASSAM: No. But we get a day off when there is a celebration of some kind, for instance Deepvali or Amavasai. We have 10 days off for the harvest festival.

QUESTION: Do you like working in a weaving mill?

ASSAM: Yes, sure. Once you have learnt it it’s not too difficult. They only go on at you in the beginning until you have learnt it. Then it’s fun to work with the loom.

COMM: In the West there’s been a lot of publicity about child labour. And the owners of big textile factories are wary of giving interviews to human rights organizations or the Western media. But the owners of the small weaving mills in the villages are not so defensive.

QUESTION: Do the children come from poor families?

MILL OWNER: Yes indeed. All of them. Rich people don’t work in this industry.

QUESTION: Are the children Dalits?

MILL OWNER: Yes.

QUESTION: It’s hard work isn’t it?

MILL OWNER: Yes, you have to be alert all the time. It’s not like driving an oxcart or working in the rice fields.

ASSAM’s MOTHER: I don’t care about my next life. If I can’t be happy together with my children in this life how can I then dream about a “next life”? I can’t send them to school or give them a happy life or give them enough food. Why am I in this unhappy situation? When I was a child I wasn’t happy. But now I see that my children aren’t any better off. Is this their lot in life?

COMM: The Indian caste stems from Hinduism and about 80 per cent of all Indians are Hindus. If you are an outcast, a Dalit, it is because you have led a bad life in an earlier incarnation. This is your fate and you have to put up with it. According to Hinduism man has more than one life – and if a person behaves well in his present life he can be reincarnated into a better one.

Prabakaran is a Brahmin priest and thus he belongs to the highest caste.

PRABAKARAN (translation): Each caste has its own particular kind of work.. Take me, I am a priest. I couldn’t carry out the work of a carpenter or bricklayer. Every person has his own trade.

COMM: Mani is the owner of the quarry. He visits the stonemasons every day.

MR KUMAR: We work but the owner doesn’t pay us sufficiently. Prices go up and therefore we want higher wages. But we are told that first we have to work off what we have been paid for. When we have paid our debt we are free to go somewhere else. There is no other way out. What else can we do? We work like slaves but where else can we find work? That is why we stay here.

MANI (translation): I don’t force them to stay. You can go and ask them yourself. I haven’t forbidden them to go elsewhere. They work here because they want to. They follow their hearts.

QUESTION: How many of them have borrowed money from you?

MANI: They don’t borrow money. They get their payment in advance.

QUESTION: Has everyone had their payment in advance?

MANI: Yes.

QUESTION: How much money have they had in advance?

MANI: 20 to 30 thousand rupees. But they work for them. If you borrow a thousand you work for a thousand.

COMM: 1000 rupees is 24 dollars (US)

Mr KUMAR: We receive about 20 to 30 rupees a day. After 8 days work we receive about 100 to 150 rupees. Let’s say we spend 50 rupees on a bicycle and then there is only a hundred left. I have a big family. There are five mouths to feed. And a kilo of rice costs 10 rupees.

COMM: A week’s payment of 100 rupees is about 2 dollars and 40 cents. Hinduism makes a distinction between clean and unclean people. As outcasts the Dalits are regarded as unclean while people within the caste system are considered clean. Clean people mustn’t touch unclean people. This is why many of India’s 200 million outcasts live in separate villages. And it’s why the unclean Dalit people are also known as “Untouchables”.

PRABAKARAN (translation): Even if it’s 12 in the night and we are coming all the way to Madras by bus we must take off out clothes and wash ourselves before we enter the house. Outside there are many people and some of them are unclean but we have to be clean at all times. If you want to enter our house you must wash your feet at first. Some might say – but we washed our feet before we put on our shoes. Why do I have to wash them again? You must wash before you enter.

The outcasts come into the temple even when they are not allowed in. They can’t understand why they’re not allowed in.

QUESTION: What’s your view?

PRABAKAN (translation): Even when we explain it to them they won’t understand and accept it. It’s unbelievable. They say they are cleaner than us. They say that they doubt that I have washed myself in the morning. I have Holy ashes on my forehead but they could just some of it on too. They have this silly attitude.

QUESTION: They refuse to accept the situation?

PRABAKAN (translation): Exactly.

***

This transcript was made available by Lifeonline – a website initiative providing audiences around the world with information about the impact of globalization on poverty and social development. Excerpts from this transcript and links to a clip from the documentary are available here. Read the full transcript here.

Avva: A slab at the doorway

- Jupaka Subhadra

Original: maa avva dukkalni dunniposukunna tokkudubanda

From the Telugu Dalit Writing blog – A Shared Mirror blog featuring a selection of Telugu Dalit Writing in Translation

Avva, my mother

she is not a wick-lamp, that’s protected

she is the sun that went astray in sky’s rug

she is the famine in the stretched out sari-end^*

of the mother earth

Avva

she is a timeless full moon,

the embodiment of struggle sans dawn.

Her head placed in the mortar,

she is an empty grain bounced against the pestle.

The sun that rises at the cockcrow warms itself in her eyes

She sweeps the stars at the dawn,

smears dung-water on the front yard

wakes us, feeds us, and leaves for work.

Neither the cow in the forest

nor the calf at home would long for each other.

Avva

she is a slave unrecognized.

Quite often she falls in the furnace of ayya, father’s anger

because of over or under cooked rice

because of a sand grain or hair in the rice

or to grab her wages for drinking.

Avva

she is like served platters for us all.

A seed in the furrow,

she sprouts into green crops

planting and weeding in the knee-deep mud fields

even after the dusk,

that’s my avva!

It’s my avva

who blows the song into the village holding a spade.

Carves tunes shaping ridges in paddy fields.

When avva is at work,

her sweat turns into fountain in a desert-sink.

She becomes un-extinguishable fire in the mud stove.

I had no memories of clinging to the waist of my avva

I never heard lullabies or tales while being fed baby-food

with her soot-formed,  hardened hands.

I had no occasions of sleeping in her lap, yawning.

The memories of my screech for food

holding a dented bowl are not yet put out.

My avva

she is a drumbeat on the broken drum

she is a tune denied of crop.

Having taught the earth to bloom and to give fruit,

having become leather for the sandals,

hers is the agony of the top

to escape from the string in the hands of the landlords.

Though she fed the mother-earth by her breast,

they kept her at a distance from the plough.

My avva,

she is a slab at the doorway that gathered sorrow.

As an unfastened bundle of history,

having tightened the sari-end around her waist,

my avva is a question with a flaunting sickle in her hand.

The wretched alphabet!

It never accessed even the peripheries

where my avva had walked.

* * * * *

^*Dalit and sudra women stretch out their sari-ends forming like a bowl when offered grains, food etc

Translated by K. Purushotham

Read the poem on the Telugu Dalit Writing blog here

Marrying for love – II

Priya* works as domestic help. She washes vessels and clothes, sweeps and swabs floors, chops vegetables and performs other housekeeping chores daily in three houses in Madurai, Tamil Nadu. In conversation, she shares her experience of marrying outside caste. Translated excerpts from an interview dated 15.07.2011. Read the first part here

We moved to the area next to one my parents were in. They would look at me but they wouldn’t talk. After I became pregnant, a year later, my father would come and talk to me. My father-in-law wouldn’t accept us. ‘They filed a complaint in the police station,’ he said, about my parents, and refused to let us into the house. Then I said, ‘I had a reason to write and give that I don’t want my parents, if I hadn’t given in writing, they would have beaten you up. Now when my parents come of their own accord and talk to me, I can’t refuse them. When I said this, he asked ‘Don’t you want your husband?’ Both of them started fighting. I said, ‘I won’t visit them if you don’t want me to but I definitely will talk to my parents.’ After my oldest son was born, they started visiting and talking. My mother-in-law would also talk a little. After a year, these problems were solved.

People appreciated that I had taken a stand at this young age. ‘Others would have been afraid and given up their love,’ people told me and started encouraging me. Friends were good to me. Only my parents’ relatives refused to accept me. They would stand on the road and talk to me but they won’t come into the house, they won’t eat, they won’t even drink water because we were SC. When we went to their house, they would take care of us. But they would never eat in our house.

My mother’s friend’s daughter was also my friend. She fell in love and ran away with her lover. They came and asked me, ‘Where is Manjula? She was your friend. Did she tell you anything?’ I hadn’t even known that she was in love. She had loved within her Parayar  caste only but they didn’t accept it. They said, ‘Why should she choose that boy?’ She refused to come home and married that boy. Her in-laws looked after her well. She started going to work and she is happy now.
…

Please ask all parents to let their children marry whoever they want. Please write that very strongly. If they give their consent, there will be no problems. Most of the problems that happen in love marriages are because the parents don’t consent. Tell parents to stop clinging to caste.

…

Now my oldest son is studying for his degree by correspondence. He is also a photographer in a studio. He is of marriagable age and he is also in love. We know about it. We told him about all the difficulties we faced. We told him to marry the girl we find.

After we married, there was opposition on both sides. My father-in-law chased us away. ‘Let me see how you will survive, I cannot give you food,’ he said. They caused lot of difficulties. My son says, ‘What would you have known at 15? I am 22. I can take my decisions. That girl is also 19.’ I told him, they would face difficulties. The girl is Servar caste (a Thevar sub-caste), we are SC. We cannot face any problems if they should arise. I told the girl this also. She said, ‘I can face any problems that come. I know you are SC. Its not like I  didn’t know when we were in love.’

I have told my children these things, they should know the problems I faced. The other three are in school.

If people should fall in love, they should have parental consent. Running away is difficult. You will only have the clothes on your back. My younger mother-in-law and I were pregnant at the same time. They would not make food in the morning. I would have to starve till evening. I was struggling for a few years. They did not feel that I had come away from home, that they should look after me. They felt that they should give food only when we give money. My husband was plying a rickshaw then. I was 15, working in a school as an aayah.
…

Earlier work used to be divided by caste – people who wash clothes have to come only by the back door. They could not drink water in the same tumbler, employers would ask them to drink water from the tap. Now it’s not like that – people of all castes – Konar, Servar, Nadar, – all come for housework. Employers are also better now. In some places, work is still divided by caste. In the 15-20 years since I started doing housework, people have also started treating us as human beings.
…

The area I lived – Ponnaandi Veethi – was an SC street only. It was supposed to be for the people who burned corpses. There was also a ‘Nadar Compound’ on the same street – the really poor people lived there, mostly SC people like Sakkiliar, Parayar, Kuravar, also Nadar and Muslim were all there – but it was called Nadar Compound only.

When we look for houses for rent, they ask for caste. SC people could only ask SC houseowners. Things are changing now. In the house I am in now, the owner is Kallar. Recently when we went house hunting, I told the house-owner that I was Nadar. That house-owner is Konar. He said ok. He knew my husband, knew he was SC. AFTER we came and set up house there, he made it a caste issue. We had to vacate the house. The older people are like that, middle-aged people like us don’t bother much. The older people cling to caste. My relatives still won’t take food from us.

***

*Name changed on request

In the Name of Globalisation: Meritocracy, Productivity and the Hidden Language of Caste

Excerpts from a paper[pdf file] by Surinder S. Jodhka & Katherine S. Newman

From the Working Paper Series, Volume III, Number 03, 2009

Indian Institute of Dalit Studies, New Delhi

…

This Working Paper “In the Name of Globalization: Meritocracy, Productivity and Hidden Language of Caste” draws on interview data to analyse the attitudes of 25 employers/hiring managers in India’s organized private sector towards the caste and community attributes of their potential employees. It focuses on the role ascriptive qualities play in employer perception of job candidates, arguing that they persist despite a formal adherence to the importance of merit.

…

Caste plays an important role in organizing the rural labor force. As Mr. Vincor explained, even the unions are structured by caste:

Nearly 450 workers [in the first plant] belong to the local dominant caste of Jats and another 250 to 300 come from another dominant caste of Ahirs. Around 100 to 150 would be from different backward castes. Our workers are also organized on caste lines. Trade Union elections are mostly on caste lines….

Jat group is arrogant. It does not listen to any one. Ahirs are tamed. Brahmans are more learned and they speak well, and SCs are not vocal.

These are not neutral observations. The social organization of caste provides a platform for collective grievances, and the firm has been on the receiving end of labor actions that can be more easily organized, given the caste lines in the workforces. “At times they are very aggressive,” Vincor complained. “We have seen a lot of bad phase, strikes and lock outs.”

…

India Motors relies on hiring practices that promote a mix of castes rather than permitting the dominance of a single group. And they avoid those groups that management regards as oppositional in character, likely to refuse management dictates and threaten labor actions instead.

…

Such a preferential policy often exists side by side with a bright line that excludes those who do not fit these stereotypical expectations. For Fitness Health, this clearly includes Dalits, who need not apply. “Among SCs,” the manager explains, “there is a lack of technical skills. And their attitude is unmatchable for the company.” Is this an unfair, an example of bigotry? No, she insists, We have no prejudices about SCs and Muslims. This is a mind set issue.

…

In the Name of Globalisation
The language of meritocracy has spread around the globe along with the competitive capitalism that gave birth to it. Largely gone is the notion that patrimonial ties, reciprocal obligations, and birthright should guarantee access to critical resources like jobs. Those ascriptive characteristics continue to matter – now dressed up as “family background” rather than caste – hardly causes the managers we interviewed to skip a beat. They are convinced that modernism is the future of their firms and the future of the country. It calls for the adoption of labor market practices that the advanced capitalist world embraces and a blind eye to the uneven playing field that produces merit in the first place.

What are the consequences of this cultural shift, of the spread of a common language that resonates with moral precepts of fairness, level playing fields? Can one argue against meritocracy in the modern world? Two responses come to mind. First, as we have suggested in this paper, the belief in merit is only sometimes accompanied by a truly “caste blind” orientation. Instead, we see the commitment to merit voiced alongside convictions that merit is distributed by caste or region and, hence, the qualities of individuals fade from view, replaced by stereotypes that – at best—will make it harder for a highly qualified low caste job applicant to gain recognition for his/her skills and accomplishments. At worst, they will be excluded simply by virtue of birthright. Under these circumstances, one must take the profession of deep belief in meritocracy with a heavy grain of salt. Anti-discrimination law is required to insist on the actual implementation of caste-blind policies of meritocratic hiring and, we submit, to question common and accepted practices of assessing

*All company names have been changed and identifying details modified slightly to protect the privacy of the firm and that of our interview subjects.

Read the full paper here[pdf file].

Fact Finding report on the attack on Panchayat President Krishnaveni – Part II

Translation of the second portion of the report on ‘Murderous attack on the Thalaiyuthu Panchayat President Mrs. Krishnaveni; Investigative field visit conducted by Collective of Socially Concerned Academicians, Writers and Human Rights Activists – Tirunelveli – on June 18-19, 2011′. Read the first portion here.

(Download the the entire Fact-Finding Report in Tamil here)

…

5. The immediate provocation for the murderous attack on 13.06.2011, Monday night, is said to be this: There has been a difference of opinion between the Panchayat President and the Ward Member Mr. Subramanian alias Subbu, who lives in West Thalaiyuthu, on the issue of building a public toilet on the canal poromboke land. Subbu had vehemently opposed the building of a toilet on land adjacent to the canal behind his house. Though Subbu and another Ward Member Meerankani had opposed this, members of the Konar caste and other castes living in that area were aware that a public toilet was needed for women and had chosen that location to build the toilet. The decision to build in the location chosen by the people had been taken after discussion at the Village Council Meeting.

Thinking that it was an insult to have a toilet built behind his house, Mr. Subbu had expressed constant opposition and had also complained about this to the district administration. One week before the incident, he had also obtained a stay on building a public toilet in that location. The district administration had taken this decision, citing a rule that buildings cannot be built in canal poromboke land. Opposing this decision, Mrs. Krishnaveni had gathered people of various communities and had submitted a petition on the morning of the day of the incident.

6. Despite knowing that the affected person belonged to the Hindu Arunthathiyar community, the Thalaiyuthu Inspector, who registered the F.I.R. (no. 213/11) after the murderous attack on the Panchayat President, did not file the case under the Prevention of Atrocities act but only filed it under such sections of the Indian Penal Code as 341, 294(b), 323, 307 and under Sec. 4 of Tamil Nadu Prohibition of Harassment of Women Act 2002. The day after the incident, the Athithamilar Peravai, Tamil Puligal and other human rights organisations held protests outside the Collectorate, as a result of which the F.I.R. was changed to the Prevention of Atrocities Act 3(2)(5) and sent to court. [341, 294(b), 323, 324, 307 IPC and Division 4 of TNPHW Act 2002 r/w 3(2)(5) of SC/ST (PoA) Act]

7. Police officials continue to view this attack purely as a law and order problem; they do not have a holistic view of this murderous attack with multiple facets. They express dissatisfaction with the fact that Mrs. Krishnaveni was extremely honest and did not take bribes. The belief that that this attack could have been prevented, if she had been a little crooked, is obvious.

8. Neither the Block Development Officer nor the District Collector went to hospital to see Mrs. Krishnaveni till 18.06.2011, despite the fact that she has survived such a murderous attack with multiple cut wounds, a lost ear and is still battling for life. This shows the lack of compassion of the government machinery (district administration).

9. Mrs. Krishnaveni is afraid now that there is insufficient protection for her and her family, despite her continuous honest and skilful administration. The fear that will arise in similar honest, skilful Panchayat Presidents who work for the people, other such representatives and government officials will pose a challenge to grassroots democracy, people’s participation and honest administration.

Recommendations:
1. The district administration and the police should immediately provide sufficient protection to the Thalaiyuthu Panchayat President Mrs. Krishnaveni, who was subject to the murderous attack and belongs to the Arunthathiyar community, and her family. Armed guards should be provided, given the fact that there have been continual threats to her life earlier too.

2. The government has provided the compensation of Rs. 50,000 due to victims of atrocities under the Prevention of Atrocities act to Mrs. Krishnaveni two days ago. Keeping in mind the character and cruelty of this murderous attack, she should be given Rs. 3 lakh. Additional attention must be paid to her medical treatment and provisions must be made for her speedy recovery.

3. The police must take up a free and fair investigation into the multiple complaints that Mrs. Krishnaveni had filed earlier. Proper steps must be taken to follow-up such investigation soon.

4. The Thalaiyuthu Inspector K. Palthurai, who did not investigate any of the complaints that Mrs. Krishnaveni had filed over the last five years, should be transferred immediately. The department should take suitable disciplinary action on him.

5. The Tamil Nadu government should provide additional security to Panchayat Presidents/elected representatives from the downtrodden, Arunthathiyar communities and for female representatives in other regions of Tamil Nadu, especially in the southern districts.

6. In panchayats where the presidents are elected from the downtrodden communities, the vice-president post should also be reserved for such communities. Similarly, in panchayats where women from downtrodden communities are elected, the vice-president post should also be reserved for women of such communities. (In most places, such an arrangement would greatly speed up the implementation of schemes for the welfare of the people and ease the process of joint signing of cheques.)

…

To be contd.
Testimonies of others interviewed follows in the next part. Testimonies of Krishnaveni and her daughter are already available in translation.

In response to the brutal attack on Thalaiyuthu Panchayat President Krishnaveni, this is the eighteenth in a series of posts about attempts on the lives of dalit panchayat presidents. This attack has hospitalised an award-winning and popular elected leader and underlines the threat that caste poses to democracy.

 

Fact Finding report on the attack on Panchayat President Krishnaveni – Part I

Translation of the first portion of the report on ‘Murderous attack on the Thalaiyuthu Panchayat President Mrs. Krishnaveni; Investigative field visit conducted by Collective of Socially Concerned Academicians, Writers and Human Rights Activists – Tirunelveli – on June 18-19, 2011’(Download the the entire Fact-Finding Report in Tamil here)

Tirunelveli district, Manur Panchayat Union, Thalaiyuthu Panchayat President Mrs. Krishnaveni was hacked cruelly by a murderous gang on 13.06.2011, Monday night at 10 p.m., and was admitted, battling for life, to the Tirunelveli District Government Hospital. Ever since Mrs. Krishnaveni, who belongs to the downtrodden Arunthathiyar community, was elected as the Panchayat President, there have been continuous threats to her life.

To examine the reasons for and the background of this murderous attack, to learn the actions of the government administration and the police following this incident and to provide recommendations on how to prevent such terrible incidents occurring to dalit panchayat presidents, a group of socially concerned academicians, writers and human rights activists from Tirunelveli have undertaken a field study between June 18-19 to determine the facts of the case.

Members of this group:
1. Prof. T. Paramasivan, Senate member, Thanjavur Tamil University
2. Prof. J. Amalanathan, Economics Dept., St. Xavier’s College, Palayamkottai
3. Prof. P. Santhi, Visual Communications Dept., St. Xavier’s College, Palayamkottai
4. Mr. Lena Kumar, Yaathumaagi Publishers, Palayamkottai
5. Advocate G. Ramesh, District Committee Member, Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist), Palayamkottai
6. Mr. S. Ganesan, Regional Coordinator, People’s Watch – Tamil Nadu
7. Advocate M. Britto, Director, Vanmugil, & Organiser, Thamiraparani Panbaattu Arangam
8. Mr. P. Mariappan, Coordinator, Vanmugil, Human Rights Activist

People interviewed during the field study
*Mrs. Krishnaveni (36), Thalaiyuthu Panchayat President
*Ms. Bhuvaneswari (16), (Krishnaveni’s daughter)
*Mrs. Chellamma (50), from the Nadar community, the one who took Krishnaveni in an auto to admit her to the Tirunelveli Government General Hospital
*Mr. Jayaraj (45), from the Arunthathiyar community, worker in the Sankar Cements factory
*Subbu Konar’s wife, West Thalaiyuthu
*50-year-old man (did not wish to reveal name)
*Mr. Meerankani(50), Panchayat Vice President
*Panchayat Plumber (Muslim)
*Mr. Subbiah (77), from the Nadar community (Has a teashop opposite the Karuppasamy temple)
*Owner of petty shop in North Thalaiyuthu (A woman from the Moopanar community)
*Woman who has a teashop near the location of the attack
*Youth from Gokulam Nagar, North Thalaiyuthu
*Mr. R. Prakash, Thalaiyuthu Police Inspector
*Mr. R. Balakrishnan, Thalaiyuthu Police Deputy Superintendent (investigating official)

On the morning of the first day of the field study (18.06.2011), details were collected through a meeting with Thalaiyuthu Panchayat President Mrs. Krishnaveni, who was attacked and has been admitted to the Tirunelveli Government General Hospital and is receiving treatment as an in-patient at the Intensive Care Unit. Following that, additional information about the incident was collected from Krishnaveni’s husband Mr. Poyyamani, her daughter Ms. Bhuvaneswari and the person who brought her to hospital in an auto, Mrs. Chellamma.

That evening, information was collected from many people in Thalaiyuthu about the incident and its background, with visits to the location where the incident took place (the path to Krishnaveni’s house, the street adjoining the library building) and the location chosen for building a public toilet which is said to be the immediate reason for the attack (Gokulam Nagar – near the canal).

The next day, Sunday (19.06.2011) noon, Inspector Prakash was interviewed at the Thalaiyuthu Police Station. Finally, on the morning of 24.06.2011, the investigating officer for this case, the Thalaiyuthu Police Deputy Superintendent In-charge Mr. R. Balakrishnan provided further details about the case. On the basis of the testimonies received during the field study, with the information gathered during these visits, this committee here places the details that were gathered and its recommendations to prevent such incidents from recurring in the future.

Facts found during the field study:

1. Panchayat President Krishnaveni, who was attacked cruelly on 13.06.2011 (Monday) night, barely escaping with her life and now receiving treatment, has always acted with great honesty and courage. She had contested as an independent in the last Panchayat elections in Thalaiyuthu Panchayat and had won by a margin of 700 votes. In the last five years, she has actively taken up several schemes for the development of Thalaiyuthu panchayat. It is notable that she received the Sarojini Naidu award for 2009 from the hands of the Indian President Pratibha Patil for best implementation (among panchayats in the district) of the National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme. Many people of other castes praise her for this. Her remarkable courage and honesty and her astonishing ability and skill in administration are worthy of praise.

2. Her honest and efficient functioning as panchayat president angered some ward members belonging to other castes. They had continually objected to her methods of functioning which had ensured that they could not take bribes from the people, or ‘earn’ money in other ways. Their jealousy of a woman from the most oppressed Arunthathiyar community administering with such skill and their dominant caste arrogance found expression occasionally.

3. This had led to her receiving continual threats and opposition to her work over the past five years. Though she had widespread support from across communities, certain rich and well-connected individuals/ward members had continued to oppose her. Besides acting as blocks to the functioning of the panchayat president, this opposition also was an expression of dominant caste arrogance. To file complaints against the ward members and the vice-president who were not allowing her to carry out her duties over the past five years, she has given petitions to people including the Block Development Officer, Scheme Officer (Development), Police Inspector, District Police Superintendent and the Collector on 04.04.2007, 16.10.2007, 04.04.2008, 08.04.2008, 02.05.2008, 23.06.2008, 26.11.2008, 22.01.2009, 03.06.2010, and 15.08.2010.

On several occasions, these complaints were not investigated properly by the police. It is to be noted that the belief that ‘this woman is like this only, she will file Prevention of Atrocity cases and pester us for everything’, was prevalent. Though a few complaints were noted in the Thalaiyuthu Police Station as First Information Reports (FIRs), many others were left in cold storage with no action whatsoever.

4. It is possible to see the dominant caste arrogance prevalent among the ward members of other castes who are unable to accept that a woman of the Arunthathiyar community can bear political power and rule the Panchayat. These sedimented dominating tendencies of caste society are visible in the multiple attempts to prevent Panchayat President Krishnaveni from carrying out her duties. Grabbing the notebook with announcements which she brought to the Village Council meeting (26.01.2011), twisting her arm and threatening to beat her up, preventing her from hoisting the flag at an Independence Day celebration (15.08.2010), preventing her from carrying out welfare activities (08.04.2008) are some of the atrocities that are an expression of the casteist feeling that froths within the dominant castes. (This is reminscent of the situation a few years ago in this same Tirunelveli district, when Panchayat Presidents of Nakkalamuthanpatti, Jaggaiyan, and Maruthankinaru, Servaaran, who belonged to the Arunthathiyar community were murdered by members of the dominant castes. In a similar manner, 15 years ago, near Madurai, Panchayat President Mr. Murugesan and his six relatives were cruelly hacked to death.)

…

To be contd.

Further facts noted from the field visits and recommendations follow in the next part. Testimonies of Krishnaveni and her daughter from the latter part of this report are already available in translation.

In response to the brutal attack on Thalaiyuthu Panchayat President Krishnaveni, this is the seventeenth in a series of posts about attempts on the lives of dalit panchayat presidents. This attack has hospitalised an award-winning and popular elected leader and underlines the threat that caste poses to democracy.