The brief autobiography of Rettaimalai Srinivasan – Part 10

பழக்க வழக்கம்
Habits

இந்த சரித்திரத்தை அச்சிடபோகும் தருவாயில் ஆதி திராவிடர்களைப் பல இடுக்கண்களால் ஜாதி இந்துக்கள் வாதித்து வரும் பழக்கம், வழக்கம், மாமூல் என்பவைகள் வேரோடு களைந்தெறிய ஓர் மசோதாவை ராவ் பகதூர் எம். சி. ராஜ கொண்டு போனார். இரண்டு சட்ட சபைகளும் அங்கீகரித்திருக்கின்றன. இந்த சட்டமும் பிரிட்டிஷ் மலையாளம் ஜில்லா ஆலய பிரவேச சட்டமும் பல்லில்லா பாம்புகளை யொத்தன. இச்சட்டங்களை மீறினவர்கள் பேரில் சிவில் கோர்டில் தாவா தொடுக்கவேண்டுமாம். ஜாதி இந்துக்கள் அவைகளைப் பசியால் வருந்த செய்து கொன்றுவிடாமல் இவ்வினத்தவர் காப்பாற்றினால் சிலநாளில் பற்கள் முளைத்து விடும்.

When this autobiography was going to press, Rao Bahadur M.C. Raja brought in a resolution against the habits and extortions with which the caste Hindus tortured the Adi Dravidar. Both legislative assemblies approved it. This law and the British Malayalam Zilla’s Temple Entry law are like toothless snakes. The Civil Court has to proceed with action against those who have broken these laws. To prevent the caste Hindus from starving and killing these laws, the people of this community should protect them; they will sprout fangs in a while.

வட்டமேஜை மகாநாடு
Round table conference

சவர்கட்சி மகாசபை என்னும் வட்டமேஜை மகா நாட்டுக்கு என்னையும் டாக்டர் அம்பேத்காரையும் இந்தியாவில் தாழ்த்தப்பட்டார் பிரதிநிதிகளாக கவர்ண்மென்டார் தேர்ந்தெடுத்து வரவழைத்திருந்தார்கள். நாங்களிருவரும் நகமும் சதையுமாகவிருந்து உழைத்தோம். 1928-1929-ம் வருஷங்களில் நடந்த மகா சபைக்கு நாங்களிருவரும் சென்றிருந்தோம். 1930-ம் வருஷம் டாக்டர் மட்டும் மகா சபைக்கு போனார். என் ஆலோசனையைக் கேட்க இந்தியா இராஜபிரதிநிதி கமிட்டிக்கு (Viceroy’s Consultative Committee) என்னை அழைத்துக் கொண்டார்கள். இந்தியாவிலுள்ள இந்த ஜனாங்கத் தாரவர்களுக்கு தனி தொகுதியும் வோட்டு உரிமையும் மற்ற சமூகத்தர்களைவிட அதிக அனூகூலமாக அனுக்கிரகிக்கப் பட்டது. இதின் பலாபலன்களை அடுத்த இரண்டு மூன்று எலக்ஷன்களில்  தாழ்த்தப்பட்டோர் தெரிந்து கொள்ளுவார்கள்.

Doctor Ambedkar and I were selected as the representatives of the Depressed Classes and invited by the government for the all-party conference known as the Round Table conference. We worked closely together like nail and flesh. Both of us had attended the conference in 1928-1929. In 1930, only Doctor attended. They invited me to give my counsel to the Viceroy’s Consultative Committee. Separate constituencies and voting rights for these people would be especially beneficial, more than for those of other communities. The Depressed Classes will enjoy the fruits of this in the next two or three elections.

சில நாட்களில் தாழ்த்தப்பட்டோர் உயர்த்தப் பட்டோராகியும் வெகு வலுவான சமூகத்தவர்களாகியும் ஆட்சியை கைப்பற்றும் நிலைக்கும் வந்துவிடுவார்கள். இதையறிந்த ஜாதி இந்துக்கள் தாழ்த்தப்பட்டோர் தங்களின்று பிரிந்து பெரியதோர் தனி சமூகமாக ஆகாதவண்ணம் தங்களோடு சேர்ந்துகொள்ள ஆலய பிரவேசம் என்றும் தீண்டாமையை  யொழிப்ப தென்றும் கிளர்ச்சி செய்து வருகிறார்கள்.

In a while, the Depressed Classes will become elevated and a strong community who will have the ability to capture power. In order to prevent the Depressed Classes separating from them and forming a big, distinct community, the caste Hindus have begun to protest for temple entry and against untouchability.

இந்த மகாசபை நடந்துகொண்டிருக்கும் காலத்தில் நேர்ந்த இரண்டொரு சம்பவங்களை மாத்திரம் சுருக்கி சொல்லுகிறேன். ஜார்ஜ் மன்னரையும் ராணியையும் காணும்பொருட்டு வின்சர் காஸ்சல் (Windsor Castle) என்னும் ராஜமாளிகைக்கு சபைக்கு சென்றிருந்த இந்தியா பிரதிநிதிகள் அழைக்கப்பட்டார்கள். என்னுடனும் சக்கரவர்த்தி, சக்கரவர்த்தினி இருவரும் கை குலுக்கி உபசரித்தார்கள். இப்படியாக மூன்று தடவை நடந்தது. ராஜமாளிகையில் சிற்றுண்டியும் பரிமாறப்பட்டது. பின்னுமோர்தடவை மன்னவரிடம் சம்பாஷிக்க நேர்ந்தது. தீண்டாமை என்றால் என்னவென்று மன்னவர் வினவினார். மேல்ஜாதியான் என்போன் கீழ்ஜாதியான் என்போனைத் தீண்டமாட்டான் என்றபோது, “ஒரு கீழ்ஜாதியான் தெருவில் விழுந்து விட்டால் மேல் ஜாதியான் தூக்கிவிடமாட்டானா?” என்று மன்னவர் பின்னும் வினவினார். தூக்கிவிடமாட்டான் என்றபோது மன்னர் திடுக்கிட்டு அசைந்துநின்று “அவ்விதம் நடக்க என் ராஜ்யத்தில் விடவேமாட்டேன்” என்றார். மன்னவர் மாளிகைக்குள் பிரவேசிக்கவும் மன்னரோடு கைகுலுக்கி பேசவுமுண்டான பாக்கியம் நமது சமூகத்தை பொருந்தியதல்லவா? இதர சமூகத்தவரோடு நம்மையும் சமமாக மன்னவர் நடத்தியதினால் ஆங்கிலேய அரசாட்சி எவ்வளவு அன்பும், அருமையுமானதென்றும் நம்மினம் முன்னேறவுஞ் செய்ததென்றும் விளங்குகிறது.

I will briefly describe one or two incidents that took place when this Conference was on. The Indian representatives were invited to Windsor Castle, the royal palace, in order to see King George and the Queen. The Emperor and Empress shook hands with me and gave us their hospitality. This happened three times. Tea was also served at the royal palace. It later happened that I could converse with the King. He asked me what untouchability was. When I said that those of higher castes will not touch those of the lower castes, he asked, “If a lower caste man should fall on the street, won’t the higher caste man help him up?” When I said he would not help him up, the king was stunned. He stood up and said, “I will not allow this to happen in my Empire.” The honour of entering the King’s palace and shaking hands with him and talking with him, does not this honour belong to my people? From the fact that the King treated us on par with other communities, we know how kind and excellent British rule is, and how it has helped our community progress.

சிவில் சர்வீஸ் பரீக்ஷை இந்தியாவில் நடைபெற கூடாதென்ற தாழ்த்தப்பட்டார் எதிர் மறுத்ததை முன்னிட்டு விவாதம் நடந்தபோது காங்கிரசுக்கு சார்பாகவிருந்த நார்ட்டன் (Eardly Norton) துறை அவர்கள் ஏளிதமாய் தாழ்த்தப்பட்டோனாயிருக்கும் நான் பாடிங்டன் (Paddington) என்னும் ஒரு குக்கிராம குடிசையிநின்று சென்ட் ஜேம்ஸ் (St. James Palace) என்னும் ராஜ மாளிகைக்குப்போக அபேட்சிக்கின்றேன் என்றார். வட்டமேஜை மகாசபை சென்ட் ஜேம்ஸ் மாளிகையில்தான் நடந்தது. ஒருநாள் அம்மாளிகையின் ஒரு பெரிய அறையில் நான் வீற்றிருக்கும்போது நார்ட்டன் துறை சொன்னது என் ஞாபகத்திற்கு வந்தது. நான் புன்சிரிப்பு கொண்டு ஏழை மக்களின் பொருட்டாக நடபதேல்லாமிறைவன் செயலென மகிழ்ந்தேன்.

When the Depressed Classes had protested against holding the Civil Service exams in India, Eardly Norton, who had been in support of the Congress, had made a derogatory remark about me. He had said that I who belonged to the Depressed Classes was attempting to enter St. James Palace, the royal palace, from a hut in the tiny village of Paddington. The Round Table conference took place in St. James Palace. Once when I was seated in one of the large rooms of that palace, Norton’s remark came to my memory. I smiled and took delight in the fact that all that happened for the poor was an act of God.

நான் இந்தியா திரும்பிவந்தபோது மகாசபையில் இவ்வினத் தவர்பால் நடந்த விஷயங்களை என் சொந்த செலவில் பிரசூரம் செய்தும் பல கூட்டங்கள் கூட்டியும் விளக்கிக்காட்டினேன்.

When I returned to India, I published, at my own expense, what had happened at the Round Table conference for people of this community. I also convened a few gatherings to explain these things.

to be contd.

இந்த புத்தகத்தின் பதிப்புரை இங்கே, எழுத்தாளரின் முகவுரையும, அரசாங்கத்தார் அபிப்பிராயம் என்னும் அத்தியாயம் இங்கே. ஜீவிய சரித்திர சுருக்கம் இங்கே துவங்குகிறது. அதற்கடுத்து வரும் செய்திகள் – பறையன் பத்திரிக்கையைப் பற்றியும், லண்டன் பயணத்தைப் பற்றியும் உள்ள பகுதிகள் இங்கே, அதன் பின் வரும் பகுதியில், சாதி வேறுபாடின் துவக்கமும், காங்கிரஸ்காரர் சிவில் சர்வீஸ் பரிக்ஷை இந்தியாவில் நடத்தவேண்டும் என்ற விண்ணப்பத்திற்கு எதிரே புறப்பட்ட மனுவைப் பற்றியும். இந்த மனு இங்கிலாந்திலும் இந்தியாவிலும் ஏற்பட்ட தாக்கத்தைப் பற்றி இங்கே. அதற்கடுத்த ஆதி திராவிடர் சமூகமேற்பட்டது எப்படி, மற்றும் இந்த சமூகத்தவர் கல்விப் பெற்றதை குறித்து. ரெட்டைமலை ஸ்ரீனிவாசனின் சட்டசபை பணிகள் குறித்து இங்கே.

The publisher’s preface to the book is here, the author’s preface and the chapter titled the ‘Government’s Opinion’ is here. The brief autobiography begins here. The next part about the Paraiyan journal and the travel to London is here, which is followed by the section on the origin of caste and the birth of a petition against the Congress demand to hold the Civil Services exam in India and the impact it has in both England and India. The subsequent chapters are on how Adi Dravida society was formed and how they gained education and on Rettaimalai Srinivasan’s service in the Legislative Assembly.

The brief autobiography of Rettaimalai Srinivasan – Part 8

கல்வி
Education

தாழ்த்தப்பட்டும் ஏழைகளாகவும் மௌடிகமுள்ளவர்களாகவுமிருக்கும் இச்சமூகத்தாரை உயர்த்த வேண்டுமானால் கல்வியை அவர்களுக்குள் பரவச் செய்யவேண்டுமென கருதி G.O. 68-1893 கவர்ன்மெண்டார் உத்தரவு ஒன்று வெளிப்படுத்தினார்கள். அது ஒரு சிலாசாசனமென்றே சொல்லலாம். குறைந்தது ஏழு பிள்ளைகள் வாசிக்க சேர்ந்தால் அதை ஒரு பள்ளிக்கூடமாக கவர்ண்மென்டார் ஒப்புக்கொண்டு கிறாண்டு கொடுக்கவேண்டும் என்றும் இன்னும் பல அநூகூலமான விதிகளும் அதில் இருந்தன. தீண்டாதாருக்கு போதிக்க ஜாதி இந்துக்கள் முன்வராமலிருந்துவிட்டார்கள். தீண்டாதாருக்கு ஜனசமூகத்தில் உபாத்தியாயர்கள் கிடைக்கவில்லை. சென்னை நகரில் மதமாற்றுதலுக்கென்று அவரவர்கள் ஸ்தாபித்த பள்ளிக் கூடங்களுக்கு கவர்ன்மெண்டார் உத்தரவு அனுகூலமாயிராததால் அந்த விதிகளின்படி இந்த இனத்து பிள்ளைகளை சேர்த்துக்கொள்ள மனமில்லாதவர்களாயிருந்தார்கள். ஆகையால் கவர்ண்மென்டார் உத்திரவு சென்னை நகருக்குள் பலிதப்படாமல் போய் விட்டது. இந்த தௌர்பாக்கியமான நிலையை கவர்ண்மென்டாருக்கு 1898 அக்டோபர் மாதம் 21-ந் தேதி தெரிவித்தேன். நான் தெரிவித்ததின் பயனாக சென்னை முனிசிபாலிட்டியார் பாடசாலைகளை ஸ்தாபிக்க வேண்டி உத்தரவளித்தார்கள். நாளுக்குநாள் உயர்தர கல்வியில் தேர்ந்துவர இவ்வினத்தவர் ஆரம்பித்து விட்டார்கள். சர்க்கார் ரிக்கார்டுகளை பரிசோதித்து பார்த்தால் 1772 வருஷ முதல் சர்க்கார் இவ்வினத்தவர் பொருட்டாய் கவலை எடுத்துவந்ததாக காணப்படுகிறது. அக்காலத்தில் பார்லிமெண்டுக்கும் நமது கவர்ண்மெண்டாருக்கும் கடிதபோக்கு வரவு நடந்து நம்மின குடியானவர்கள் பொருட்டாய் அநேக காரியங்களை நடத்தி இருக்கின்றனர். 1818 வருஷம் ரெவெநியூ போர்டார் கலெக்டர்களை நம்மின குடியானவர்களின் நிலைமையைப் பற்றி விசாரித்திருக்கின்றார்கள். பிறகு எப்படியோ கவனியாதிருந்து 1893 -ம் வருஷம் கல்வி கற்பித்து கொடுக்க சர்க்கார் தலைப்பட்டார்கள். அப்போதும் சர்க்கார் முயற்சி பலிதப்படாமல் போயிற்று. கிராம முனிசீப்பு முதல் ரெவின்யூ இனிஸ்பெக்டர்கள்  தாசில்தார்கள் தேப்ட்டி கலெக்டர்கள், கலெக்டர்கள், ரெவின்யூ போர்டுமட்டுமுள்ள உத்தியோதஸ்தர்கள் ஜாதி-இந்து இன பந்துக்கள். அவர்களுக்குள் நிலபாத்தியமுள்ளவர்கள் அநேகர். இவ்வின குடியானவர்கள் முன்னேராமல் சூட்சமா சூட்சிகளை இச்சாதி இந்துக்கள் செய்துவந்ததே காரணம்.

To uplift this community that is oppressed and poor, the Government decided that education should be spread among them and released an order, G.O. 68-1893. It has to be termed a great achievement. It had several rules that were helpful to our cause such as the one that declared that any place where a minimum of seven children gathered to learn should be declared a school and the Government should give a grant. The caste Hindus did not come forward to teach the untouchables. There were no teachers to be found among this society of people for the untouchable. In Chennai, people of various denominations had set up their own schools for the purpose of conversion. Since the Government’s order was not favourable to them, they did not have the heart to take in children of this community in keeping with the rules. So the Government Order did not have much use in Chennai city. I announced this sad state of affairs to the government on October 21, 1898. As a result of this announcement, the Chennai Municipality members issued orders for the establishment of schools. Day by day, people of this community began to avail quality education. Looking at the Sarkar’s records, it can be seen that they have been concerned about these people from 1772. There had been exchange of letters between the Parliament and our Government, and many things have been done for our people. In 1818, the Revenue Board had enquired with Collectors about the state of citizens of our clan. Then, somehow, after being without attention, in 1893, the Sarkar took the initiative to impart education. Then, too, their efforts were in vain. From the Village Muncif to the Revenue Inspectors, Tahsildars, Deputy Collectors, Collectors and Revenue Board officials, they are all the kith and kin of caste Hindus. Many owned land. The conspiracies of these caste Hindus is the reason why people of this community could not progress.

121 வருஷம் தூண்டுவாரற்று இருந்தது போல இனியுமில்லாமல் நம்மினத்தவர்களுக்குள் கல்வியை பரவச்செய்ய விடாமுயற்சியை இடைவிடாமல் பாடுபட வேண்டுமென அந்த 1893-ம் வருஷத்தில் ‘பறையன்’ பத்திரிக்கை பிரசுரித்தேன் . அது ஒரு தூண்டுகோலாயிற்று. லேபர் கமிஷனர் மூலமாகவும் டைரெக்டர் மூலமாகவும் வருஷா வருஷம் 20, 30 லக்ஷம் ரூபாய் சர்க்கார் செலவு செய்து கல்வி போதித்து வருகிறார்கள். இவ்வினத்தவரின்பேரால் பெற்றதைத் தாங்களும் அனுபவித்து தங்களினத்தவர்களுக்கும் உதவி. இனத்தை விருத்தி செய்ய வேண்டும். முன்னேற்றத்திற்கு கல்வியே முக்கிய காரணமாகும்.

சென்னை சர்வகலா சங்கத்தில் 10 வருடமாக அங்கத்தினராக ஆதி திராவிடர் அபிவிருத்தியை கண்ணும் கருத்துமாய் காத்து வருகிறேன்.

I published the ‘Paraiyan’ journal in 1893, so that we may not lie with none to motivate us as we did those 121 years, that education should spread among our people and that I should labour ceaselessly for this cause. It became a provocation. Through the Labour Commissioner and Director, the Sarkar now spends around 20-30 lakh Rupees a year to impart education. By assisting people of this community, they have also benefited. The community must develop. Education is an important reason for progress.

As a member of the Chennai Sarvakala Sangam, I have been protecting the welfare of the Adi Dravida with great care for the last ten years.

to be contd.

இந்த புத்தகத்தின் பதிப்புரை இங்கே, எழுத்தாளரின் முகவுரையும, அரசாங்கத்தார் அபிப்பிராயம் என்னும் அத்தியாயம் இங்கே. ஜீவிய சரித்திர சுருக்கம் இங்கே துவங்குகிறது. அதற்கடுத்து வரும் செய்திகள் – பறையன் பத்திரிக்கையைப் பற்றியும், லண்டன் பயணத்தைப் பற்றியும் உள்ள பகுதிகள் இங்கே, அதன் பின் வரும் பகுதியில், சாதி வேறுபாடின் துவக்கமும், காங்கிரஸ்காரர் சிவில் சர்வீஸ் பரிக்ஷை இந்தியாவில் நடத்தவேண்டும் என்ற விண்ணப்பத்திற்கு எதிரே புறப்பட்ட மனுவைப் பற்றியும். இந்த மனு இங்கிலாந்திலும் இந்தியாவிலும் ஏற்பட்ட தாக்கத்தைப் பற்றி இங்கே. அதற்கடுத்த ஆதி திராவிடர் சமூகமேற்பட்டதேப்படி எப்படி அத்தியாயம் இங்கே.

The publisher’s preface to the book is here, the author’s preface and the chapter titled the ‘Government’s Opinion’ is here. The brief autobiography begins here. The next part about the Paraiyan journal and the travel to London is here, which is followed by the section on the origin of caste and the birth of a petition against the Congress demand to hold the Civil Services exam in India and the impact it has in both England and India. The subsequent chapter on how Adi Dravida society was formed is here.

The brief autobiography of Rettaimalai Srinivasan – Part 7

ஆதி திராவிடர் சமூக மேற்பட்டதெப்படி?
How was Adi Dravida society formed?

இராஜ பிரதிநிதியும் கவர்னர் ஜெனரலுமான எல்ஜின் (Elgin) பிரபு 1895 டிசெம்பர் 6 சென்னைக்கு விஜயமானபோது பறையர் சமூகத்தை நிலைநாட்ட கருதி சென்னை நகரில் ஜெனரல் பாட்டர்ஸ்ரோடும் மவுண்டு ரோடும் சந்திக்குமிடத்தில் விசாலமான மவுண்டு ரோடுக்கு குறுக்கே நீண்டதோர் பந்தலிட்டு அதை சிங்காரித்து மத்தியில் இரு புறங்களிலும் ‘பறையர் மகாஜன சபையார் மாக்ஷிமை தங்கிய எல்ஜின் பிரபு பெருமாட்டி வரவேற்பு’ என்று தங்கம்போன்ற எழுத்துகளை யொட்டி நாட்டியா பிரிடஷ்த்வஜங்கள் காற்றிலசைத்து வருக! வருக! வென்றழைக்க இந்திய அரசர் மற்றும் பிரதான கனவான்க்களுமுள் பிரவேசித்து ரதாரூடறாய் போக அவ்வினத்தவர் கண்டு கழித்து மகிழ்ந்து பெருமை கொண்டாடினார்கள். இரவிலும் தீபாலங்காரமிருந்தன.

When the royal representative and the Governor General Lord Elgin came to Chennai on December 6, 1895, in order to establish the Paraiyar community, a giant arch was erected across the breadth of Mount Road where it meets General Patters Road. It was decorated, and in the centre and on both sides, it bore in golden letters ‘Paraiyar Mahajana Sabha welcome the most excellent Lord Elgin’. The festoons waved in the breeze as if to say, ‘Welcome! Welcome!’, and the members of the Indian government and other dignitaries proceeded through it royally, as people of this clan watched with joy and pride. At night, there were lamps to adorn it.

கவர்னர் ஜெனரல் அவர்களுக்கு வந்தனோபசார பத்திரிக்கை சமர்பிக்க உத்தரவு பெற்று மகாஜான சபை தலைவரையும் ஆறு அங்கத்தினர்களையும் காரியதரிசியாகிய நான் கவர்னர் வீட்டுக்கு அழைத்து போனேன். போகும் வழியில் எங்களில் ஒருவர் ஓர் ஆலோசனைச்செய்து இவ்வினத்திலுள்ள ஓர் கனதனவானையும் அழைத்து போகலாம் என்றார். அதற்கிசைந்து சென்று அந்த தனவானைக் கண்டபோது அவர் தாமதம்செய்து வார்த்தைகாலாடி வராமல்போனார். அதனால் காலதாமதமாகி குறித்த நேரத்திற்குமேல் அரைமணி தாமதமாகிவிட்டது. எங்களைக் காணாததால் கவர்ன்மெண்டு மாளிகைக்குள் பிரவேசிக்க பயந்து எங்கேனும் நாங்கள் நின்று கொண்டிருப்போமென்று கட்டிடத்தைச்சுற்றி சேவகர்கள் தேடிப்பார்த்துக் கொண்டிருந்தார்கள். நேராய் கட்டிடத்திற்கு முன்புறம் சென்று வண்டிகளை விட்டிறங்கி உள்பிரவசித்தோம். கவர்னர் மாளிகைக்குள் இதற்குமுன் இவ்வினத்தவர் பிரவேசித்ததில்லை யாகையால் சீப்செக்ரடியாருக்கு இந்த சந்தேகமுண்டாயிற்று.

When they received the order to submit their message of welcome to the Governor General, I, as the secretary, took the Mahajan Sabha leader and six members to the Governor’s house. On the way, one of them suggested that we take along another man. When we went to see him, he delayed us, exchanged words and did not come with us. We were thus delayed by half an hour beyond the appointed time. Since they could not see us, the servants were searching for us around the building, wondering if we were afraid to enter the Government Bungalow and were standing somewhere outside. We went straight to the entrance of the building, alighted from our vehicles and entered. Nobody from this clan has ever entered the Governor’s Bungalow before and that was why the Chief Secretary had had this doubt.

அங்கே ஆங்கிலேய இந்தியர்கள், மகமதியர்கள், கிறிஸ்தவர்கள், எட்டு எட்டுபேர்கள் கும்பல் கும்பலாக நின்றுகொண்டு காத்திருந்தார்கள். நாங்களும் ஒரு கும்பலாக சேர்ந்து நின்றோம். எங்களைக்கண்ட மாற்ற சமூகத்தார் வெறுப்பும் சினமுங் கொண்டவர்களாகத் தோற்றப்பட்டார்கள். அவர்களோடு எங்களையும் சமமாக ஒரு சமூகத்தவராக அங்கீகரித்து தக்க சமாதானமான நல்மொழி கூறினார் எல்ஜின் பிரபு. அன்றுமுதல் இந்து சமூகத்தினின்று பிரிந்து பறையர் தனியதோர் சமூகத்தவர்களாக அங்கீகரிக்கப்பட்டார்கள். பின் இந்த இராஜபிரதினதிகளும் கவர்னர்களும் இவர்களை தனியதோர் சமூகமாக அங்கீகரித்தும் அனுசரித்தும் வருகின்றார்கள். 1898 மாக்ஷிமைபொருந்திய மகாராணி இந்தியா சக்ரவர்த்தினியின் அறுவதாவது ஆளுகைவிழாவின் போது வாழ்த்து கூறி அனுப்பிய உபசார பத்திரிகையை ராணியார் அகமகிழ்ந்து அங்கீகரித்ததாக இந்தியா செக்ரடரியார் 1898 ஜூன் 11 எழுதியிருக்கின்றார். மேற்கண்ட மூன்று சமூகத்தவர் போல் பறையர் பஞ்சமர் தாழ்த்தப்பட்டார் என்னும் பலபேரால் அழைக்கப்பட்டு வந்து இப்போது ஆதி திராவிடர் என வழங்கும் சமூகத்தவர்களுக்கு இதர சமூகத்தவர்கள்போல் அரசாங்கத்தில் காரிய நிர்வாகத்திலும், பரிபாலன நிறைவேற்றத்திலும் இராஜிய வியவகார மந்திரி பதவியிலும், பங்கு பெரும் உரிமை உண்டாகியிருக்கிறது. ஆனதால் சட்ட சபைகள், முனிசிபாலிட்டிகள், லோக்கல் போர்டுகள் பஞ்சாயத்துகள் மற்றுமுள்ள ஸ்தாபனங்களுக்கு அங்கங்களாகவும், சிவில் சர்வீஸில் உயர்தர உத்தியோகச்தராகவும் இந்த இனத்தவர்கள் மந்திரிகளாகவும் மேயர்களாகவும் அமையப்படுவதுமின்றி கல்வியிலும் செல்வத்திலும் விருத்திபெற மேற்கண்ட இனத்தவர்களை நான் சேகரித்து ஒரு முக்கிய குல சமூகமாக நிலைநாட்டியதே மூலகாரணமாகும். இச்சமூகத்தவர்களின் மகாசபை தொடர்ந்து நடைப்பெற்றே வந்திருக்கிறது. காலவரையருத்தல் முன்னிட்டு பெயர் மாற்றப்பட்டது. சென்னை மாகாண தாழ்த்தப்பட்டார் ஐக்கிய மகாசபை (Madras Depressed Classes Federation) என்றும் (Scheduled Castes Party) செட்யூல் காஸ்ட் பார்ட்டி என்றும் இவ்வினத்திலுள்ள கனவான்கள் நடத்தி வருகிறார்கள். அதில் என்னை தலைவராக தேர்ந்தெடுத்திருக்கிறார்கள்.

There Anglo Indians, Mohammedans and Christians stood in groups of eight, waiting. We, too, joined them as a group. Seeing us, the people of the other communities seemed to have hatred and anger on their faces. Lord Elgin spoke soothing words of goodwill, acknowledging us as a community equal to theirs. From that day on, the Paraiyar community were acknowledged as separate from Hindus. Then the royal representatives and Governors began to acknowledge and honour this community as distinct and separate. In 1898, the Indian Secretary wrote to us on June 6 to say that the her excellency the Queen, Empress of India, had received with great delight and acknowledged the wishes that we had sent for for the 60th anniversary of her coronation. Just like for the three communities mentioned above, the ones who were called by many names including Paraiyar, Panjamar and Depressed Classes, were now called Adi Dravidar and the right to participate in the Government’s administration and ministerial posts came into being. Besides people of this clan being appointed as ministers and mayors, in Legislative Assemblies, Municipalities, Local Boards, Panchayats and other administrative posts, in high posts in the Civil Service, that they may grow in wealth and education, the efforts I put into gathering this community to make it an important part of society were a principal reason. The Mahasabha of the people of this community continues to function. The name was changed in the course of time. The Madras Depressed Classes Federation and the Scheduled Castes Party are conducted by respectable members of this community. They have also selected me as the leader for this.

இன்றைக்கும் இவ்வினத்தவரை ஜாதி இந்துக்கள் இம்சித்தே வருகிறார்கள். சில வருஷங்களாக சிவில் சர்வீஸ் பரீக்ஷை இந்தியாவிலும் நடைபெற்று வருகிறது. இந்த பரீக்ஷையில் தேர தமது குல வாலிபர்களும் அபேக்ஷகராகும் திறமையில் வந்திருப்பதால் பரீக்ஷை இந்தியாவில் நடப்பதைப்பற்றி எதிர் மறுக்கப் படவில்லை. நித்தியா கருமானுஷ்டங்களை நடத்துகிறபோது என் இனத்தவர்கள் தௌர்பாக்கியமான நிலைமையை நினைத்து அவர்கள் அபிவிருத்தியடைந்து வாழக் கிருபைகூர கடவுளை நோக்கி நான் பிரார்த்தித்து வருகிறேன். தங்கள் சமூகத்தை சீர் தூக்க பாடுபடுபவர்கள் வம்ச பாரம்பரியமாய் சகல சம்பத்துடையவர்களாவார்கள்.

Till date, the caste Hindus torture the people of this clan. For some years now, the Civil Service exam has been held in India too. Young men of the clan have established their merit and risen in the ranks in the exam, and this cannot be denied. While conducting my rituals, I think of the blessed state of the people of my clan and I pray to god that they may continue to flourish. Those who labour to uplift their people will live with all wealth and honour across generations.

…

To be contd.

இந்த புத்தகத்தின் பதிப்புரை இங்கே, எழுத்தாளரின் முகவுரையும, அரசாங்கத்தார் அபிப்பிராயம் என்னும் அத்தியாயம் இங்கே. ஜீவிய சரித்திர சுருக்கம் இங்கே துவங்குகிறது. அதற்கடுத்து வரும் செய்திகள் – பறையன் பத்திரிக்கையைப் பற்றியும், லண்டன் பயணத்தைப் பற்றியும் உள்ள பகுதிகள் இங்கே, அதன் பின் வரும் பகுதியில், சாதி வேறுபாடின் துவக்கமும், காங்கிரஸ்காரர் சிவில் சர்வீஸ் பரிக்ஷை இந்தியாவில் நடத்தவேண்டும் என்ற விண்ணப்பத்திற்கு எதிரே புறப்பட்ட மனுவைப் பற்றியும். இந்த மனு இங்கிலாந்திலும் இந்தியாவிலும் ஏற்பட்ட தாக்கத்தைப் பற்றி இங்கே.

The publisher’s preface to the book is here, the author’s preface and the chapter titled the ‘Government’s Opinion’ is here. The brief autobiography begins here. The next part about the Paraiyan journal and the travel to London is here, which is followed by the section on the origin of caste and the birth of a petition against the Congress demand to hold the Civil Services exam in India and the impact it has in both England and India.

The brief autobiography of Rettaimalai Srinivasan – Part 5

இந்த புத்தகத்தின் பதிப்புரை இங்கே, எழுத்தாளரின் முகவுரையும, அரசாங்கத்தார் அபிப்பிராயம் என்னும் அத்தியாயம் இங்கே. ஜீவிய சரித்திர சுருக்கம் இங்கே துவங்குகிறது. அதற்கடுத்து வரும் செய்திகள் – பறையன் பத்திரிக்கையைப் பற்றியும், லண்டன் பயணத்தைப் பற்றியும் உள்ள பகுதிகள் இங்கே

The publisher’s preface to the book is here, the author’s preface and the chapter titled the ‘Government’s Opinion’ is here. The brief autobiography begins here. The next part about the Paraiyan journal and the travel to London is here.

சமூகம்

Society

ஆரியர்கள் நமது தேசத்தில் குடியேறிவந்து ஜாதி கோட்பாடுகள் உண்டாக்கியபோது இப்போது பறையர், பஞ்சமர், ஆதி திராவிடர்களேன்னும்  திராவிடர்கள் இசையாமல் பல துன்பங்களுக்குட்பட்டுகொண்டு தனியே சேரி என்னும் தங்கள் கிராமங்களையுன்டாக்கி கோயில், குளம், குரு, கிராம தலைவர் (நாட்டாண்மைக்காரர்), பஞ்சாயத்தார், வண்ணான், அம்பட்டன், சுடுகாடு, இடுகாடு, விதவாவிவாகம், விவாக சம்மந்த விலக்கு முதலியவையுடன் கிராமங்களில் தனி சமூகமாய் வாழ்ந்து வந்திருக்கிறார்கள். தேசாயி செட்டி என்போர் இவர்களுக்குள்ளுண்டாகும் வழக்கை தீர்ப்பதாக பணம் பறித்து போகும் வழக்கம் ஒழிந்துவருகிறது. நான் கண்டித்து வந்திருக்கிறேன். இவர்கள் வெளிப்படையாய் வந்து தங்கள் சுதந்திரங்களை பாராட்டாமல் ஆரியர் ஜாதி கோட்பாட்டுக்குள்ளானவர்கள். இவர்களை யடக்கி வைத்து வந்தார்கள். இவர்கள் தங்கள் உரிமைகளைக் கேட்டு அனுபவிக்கும்படி பெரியதோர் சமூகமாக சேர்க்க முயன்றேன். பத்திரிகையில் வெளியான விஷயங்களையுணர்ந்த இவ்வினத்தவர் தேசமெங்கும் கூட்டங்கள் கூடி தங்களுக்கிருக்கும் இடுக்கண்களைப்பற்றியும் தங்கள் அபிவிருத்தியைப்பற்றியும் பேசி வந்தார்கள். சென்னையில் ‘பறையர்’ மகா ஜனசபை என்ற தலைமைசபை யொன்று ஸ்தாபிக்கப்பட்டது. அதற்கு நானே காரியதரிசியாகவிருந்து நடத்தி வந்தேன்.

When the Aryans settled in our country and created the rules of caste, the Dravidians – who are now called Paraiyar, Panjamar and Adi Dravidar – were subject to much misery for they refused to concede. They lived as a separate society, in a separate space called the Cheri. They created their villages with such things as their temple, pond, priest, village head, panchayat members, washerman, barber, burial ground, burning ghat, and the customs of widow remarriage and divorce. The custom of the Thesaayi Chetti, who would come under the guise of resolving their disputes, snatch their money and leave, is now vanishing. I continue to condemn this practice. Instead of openly celebrating their freedom, they have been absorbed into the Aryan caste rules. Those people have kept them under control. I tried to collect them into a large community, that they may ask for and enjoy their rights. Reading and understanding all that was published in the journal, people of this clan gathered in groups across the nation to talk about the obstacles they faced and their development. In Chennai, a central group called the ‘Paraiyar’ Mahajana Sabha was established. I was the Secretary who led this group.

1895-ம் வருஷத்தில் ஓர் சம்பவம் நேரிட்டது. அதாவது லண்டன் நகரில் சிவில் சர்வீஸ் பரிக்ஷை நடந்து கொண்டிருந்தது. அந்த பரிக்ஷையில் தேருகிறவர்கள் ஆங்கிலேயரே. அவர்கள் தான் கலெக்டர்களாகவும்  ஜட்ஜிகளாகவும் இன்னும் தேசபரிபாலனத்தில் உத்திரவாதமான உயர்ந்த பதவிகளினின்று தேச பரிபாலனஞ் செய்து கொண்டுவந்தார்கள். அந்த பரீக்ஷை இந்தியாவிலும் நடைபெற வேண்டுமென பிரிட்டிஷ் பார்லிமெண்டில் காங்கிரஸ்காரர்கள் ஓர் மசோதா சமர்பித்தார்கள். அந்த பரீக்ஷையானது இந்தியாவிலும் நடந்தால் ஜாதி இந்துக்கள் உயர்தர உத்தியோகங்களை வகித்து ஏழை ஜாதியானவர்களைத் தீண்டாதார் என்று இம்சிப்பார்களென பறையர் மகா ஜன சபையார் சென்னை வெசிலியன் மிஷன் காலேஜ் ஆலில் 1893 டிசம்பர் 23 தேதி ஒரு பெருங்கூட்டம் கூடி அந்த மசோதாவை எதிர் மறுத்து 112 அடி நீளமுள்ள ஒரு மனுவில் 3412 கையொப்பங்கள் சேகரித்து ஜெனரல் சர் ஜார்ஜ் செஸ்னி (Genl. Sir Geo. Chesney) என்னும் பார்லிமெண்டு மெம்பரைக் கொண்டு சமர்பித்தார்கள். அதைக்கண்ட காங்கிரஸ்காரர் தங்கள் மனுவை பின்னித்துக் கொண்டார்கள். அதின்பின் கீழ்தர உத்தியோகங்களிலிருந்து மேல்தர உத்தியோகத்தை வகிக்க யோக்கியதையுள்ளவர்களை நியமிக்கலாமென இந்திய செக்ரடரியார் உத்தரவளித்தார். எதிர் மறுப்பு மனு அனுபந்தம் 1-ல் காண்க.

In 1895, an incident took place. The Civil Services exams were on in London. Only the English would pass those exams. Only they could become Collectors and Judges and hold other high offices to perform tasks of national administration. Members of the Congress submitted a petition to the British Parliament that these exams should be conducted in India also. The Paraiyar Mahajana Sabha gathered as a large crowd at the Chennai Wesleyan Mission College Hall on December 23, 1893, to collect signatures opposing this petition, saying that if those exams were held in India too, the caste Hindus would corner all the high-ranking posts and would torture the poor castes by terming them untouchable. The opposing petition was 112 feet long with 3412 signatures and was submitted to the British Parliament through the Parliament member called General Sir George Chesney. Seeing this, the Congressmen withdrew their petition. After this, the India Secretary issued orders that all those in lower posts can be appointed to higher postings if they have the requisite capacity. (Look at appendix 1 to see the opposing petition)

…

To be contd.

Filming Caste – II

Rupesh Kumar, dalit documentary director, on how he began documentary filmmaking and how he participates ‘both on the screen and from behind the camera, in dalit political debates’. Read the first part here

Some upper-caste parents withdrew their kids from the nursery school of Oothalakandy village in Mancheri taluk of Malappuram district. They gave a strange reason, “Our children will lose their culture by interacting with the SC/ST students.” They sent their kids to other nursery schools where elite castes study. One upper-caste parent, who is a school teacher, said, “My kid is really getting bored while studying there.” What may be the culture of a home that ‘produces’ a kid who is bored while playing with other kids? The teacher of the nursery school, Rejitha, strongly reacted against this nasty custom of thrashing caste system into children. She presented this issue in different venues and added that children from dalit colonies need more attention for their education and other needs. Her pleas were ignored by the political leaders, local government bodies and other authorities. At last, she talked about the issue to her neighbor Soumya, who was a Mass Communication student of mine.

We decided to make a documentary about this and went to the village for the shoot. We took interviews of two Panchayat members who were leaders in the Communist and Congress parties. They said that there is no caste discrimination, but that students were moving from this nursery school to English medium nurseries. Mr. Narendran of Oothalakandy colony cried in front of the camera and said that the people of the dalit colony in Oothalakandy are being ill-treated by society. Rejitha teacher attacked the caste system prevailing in the area and added that political leaders also support this. She said that, as a nursery school teacher, she had contact with almost everybody in the village and she knows what is happening there. They use all sorts of psychological and social tactics to suppress the people of the Colony. Elite castes make remarks against the colony by saying, “They will never develop….we have done so many things for them.” She asks “Who are these people to define the people of colonies? Are these people [who make the remarks] developed? I know what is happening in every elite caste house in the area.” She says English medium is not the reason for upper-castes to withdraw from the nursery, but it is caste. She is a degree-holder and knows very well to teach English. One parent, a school teacher who had withdrawn his child from the nursery school, ‘suggested’ some development schemes for the people of the colony. He told us to build some “cultural centres or libraries.” She says, “People who have culture can talk about cultural centres.”

The documentary was screened before the media in Malappuram at a press conference. The situation there was beyond belief. Soumya, the director of the documentary, and Rejitha teacher were expecting some positive reactions since they were presenting a serious issue. But some of the members present tried to ‘teach’ Soumya how to make a documentary. The documentary (which was ‘standard-less’ according to some of them) grabbed four awards from different realms of society including film festivals. Soumya got the fellowship for the best upcoming director in the VIBGYOR short international film festival of Thrissur. The police interrogated us to check if we had any “dalit terrorist” background or connections with DHRM, the dalit political organization here. We found this interrogation strange.

Watch Twinkle Twinkle Little Caste

Potthan theyyam (dumb deity) is a ritualistic performance by dalit communities in North Malabar and is read as a cultural performance against the caste system in Hindu communities. Shankaracharya, who preached ‘Advaita’ philosophy, the great advocator of caste system and a Brahmin, had a debate with a Pulaya youth. When Shankaracharya asked Alankaran to move out of his way for he would be polluted by seeing or touching him, Alankaran replied, ‘The color of blood in your and my body is the same. Why this discrimination? You eat the grain we cultivate in our fields.’ Shankaracharya can’t answer Alankara and fails in debate. Alankara was killed and burned by Brahmanicals. In memory of Alankara, Pottan theyyam is performed by dalits. Pottan theyyam performs by night and plays with fire with burning embers. There is a Brahmanical hijacking of this myth in Hindu society that says that Alankara was the incarnation of lord Siva.

The documentary “By the side of the river” is a re-reading/question against the hijacking of dalit myths by Hindu Brahmanism. It states that many rituals like Pottan theyyam should be freed from the Hindu platform to create a different political representation. After “Underworld memories of Untouchables”, we went again to my own village and shot by the side of a river. Folklorists and academicians don’t give an independent identity to Pottan theyyam and still tell this ritual as a subordinate story to the Brahmin Shankaracharya. Mr. Anandan, an academician from North Malabar, asked an important question, ‘How come a man who asked a great political question was named Pottan (mentally retarded person)?’ Who named him Pottan? It might be Brahmanicals. Dalits would never name their representative as mentally retarded. “By the side of a river” is an expression of resistance against Brahmanical attacks on the myth, culture, art, food culture, dalit life, psychology of dalits, their life and politics.

Watch By the Side of River

‘Blackboard’ was the first short film video for which I worked with a group of students in Sree Krishna College, Guruvayur. It was the struggle of a dalit girl who tries to survive in a campus controlled by caste and patriarchy. She loses her love because of caste. She can’t study because of poverty. She understands how the feudal, patriarchal, casteist attitude of teachers and the whole campus chains dalit woman students. She – as a daughter of a mason – has to fight economy, caste, colour and patriarchy in her struggle to live a campus life. My friend Anoop Ramesh, a film associate director,  supported us technically in the making of the movie. The film won wide recognition as a student production. Deepthi, who acted the lead, rendered a natural presentation in front of the camera. It has received wide acclaim and was selected as the best campus short-film in the SIGNS short-film festival in 2008. After this, we gained confidence in our film making abilities. I think this is the first campus movie in Kerala which discussed dalit and caste politics from a female angle. The documentary was produced by the department of English in the College, and the college gave great support in the production. This short film was directed by a talented group of active students titled “Les Miserables”. The background music was scored by my friend Arun Siddharth and gave an additional punch to the video.

Watch Blackboard (sorry, no subtitles)

My friend Sreejith Paithalen told me about a homicide of a gay man in Thalasseri of Kannur. He got the news from a newspaper and wrote a script about the psychological conflict of that gay relationship and the killer. He told me about the subject and we decided to shoot a short movie. I could not render the video well except for the scenes of sexuality. We got good actors, but as a director, I couldn’t make them present in a natural manner. This was simply my fault. To this day, I feel I spoiled a great subject. A lot of money was lost on this video. We didn’t try to screen it anywhere. The film was made on fellowship money from the VIBGYOR film festival, Thrissur. They also rejected the project. I wish I could do the movie once more for it is a great script, dealing with the politics of sexuality and of gay relationships. We titled the film “Crime and Punishment” in memory of Dostoevsky. (Dostoevsky wrote the novel “Crime and punishment” after seeing a snippet in a newspaper about a crime.) We had five days of shooting and it was a great social experience.

Watch the promo here

My experience of producing videos as a dalit is political. I read it as such since it is easy to represent ourselves. Some struggle for money  has made our efforts fruitful. We treat our video productions as pay-back to our dalit society which brings us up in political life with education and knowledge. Remya Vallathol, my life-partner, was the producer of the films I directed. Though she is a non-dalit, she empathized with our productions from her own standpoint. We struggle and experience and experiment with our productions and life to lead a dalit political life. We feel we need to fight a lot with our circumstances. I remember here our team, political friends and dalit critics all over the world for supporting our video activities.

***

Filming Caste – I

Rupesh Kumar, dalit documentary director, writes about how he began documentary filmmaking and how he participates ‘both on the screen and from behind the camera, in dalit political debates’…

Like any other film personality, I too had an ambition towards mainstream cinema, but understood that it is hard to get into. Still, I decided to do something with the camera. From that dream and planning resulted my first documentary “Underworld memories of untouchables”.

Peringeel, a dalit colony where my father was born and bought up, has taught me compassion towards humanity and direct experience of agricultural and fishing life, even if I was not involved directly in it. My father told me that in his childhood days, they had to cook even their rice in salt water and walk kilometers to fetch some clean water. My father studied and got first class in SSLC in 1960s and got into a government job. From this platform, I got my English medium and college education and basis for political thinking and film making. The strong urge to move with a camera made me a documentary maker. My mother was also from a dalit colony, Chevidichal – derived from “Thevidichi Chaal”, meaning ‘land of prostitutes’. The name and the colony may be the creations of Savarnas.

In our personal experience, in the Kerala atmosphere, I experienced caste in the psychological realm rather than physically. Caste was experienced in schools and colleges in jokes, nicknames, blackness, body, friendship, language, dialects, etc. It was in questions like, “Are you a reservation student?”, a question asked in classrooms by classmates and teachers. We felt caste, colour and sexuality played a great role in receiving internal marks. And we realized that caste is the main hindrance to love. In campus politics and love affairs, caste played a decisive role. Even when I was working as a lecturer, caste played a great role in the psychological atmosphere of staff rooms and other places.

Though Kerala is archetyped as a casteless society, in different minute and complex realms we experienced caste and debated and tried to theorize it. Out of these complex debates, we reached our documentaries or video productions. After our first production, ‘Underworld memories of Untouchables’ was read as a dalit documentary, we felt it our responsibility to do more dalit video productions. We participate, through our video productions, both on the screen and from behind the camera, in dalit political debates and try to intervene in the critical realm also. It is funny (but also gives us confidence) that the savarna debates purposefully ignore our productions. We still communicate with different political and multicultural societies all over the world through the Internet.

“Underworld memories of untouchables”, our first documentary, was an attempt to politicize and use memory as a tool against the savarna-ist psychological gate-crashing into all dalit histories through their memories, writings and biographies. This documentary is a movement through conversations in which dalits in a village shared memories of caste oppression experienced throughout their life from history to the present. We shot this documentary in my own dalit village, Peringeel, the name which was derived from the term, ‘Perumkeezhil’ meaning extreme lowest.

Earlier, the people of the Pulaya dalit community were brought to this semi-island to work as slaves in agricultural lands. My father and grandparents lived in this village and worked in the fields here. We treat this documentary as a pay-back to a dalit colony where I got my political living as a human being with compassion and positivity. The documentary begins with my own memories of caste experiences in my education and working life that had psychological and structural impact. Our earlier generation had got education, but there was discrimination at the physical, verbal and psychological level in schools and other scenarios. The experiences of those three generations before include a lot of physical abuses as expression of untouchability from different realms. We received some comments from the local Communist leader that caste system has been evacuated and it is not practised in the present. We could not digest that statement, we thought it was funny, given our personal experience as a dalit. Mr. Krishinan, who passed away recently, asked us “What you know about history?” He explained the history of Peringeel and said it was a land of slavery. Mr. Sreejith Paithalen, journalist and my friend, clearly explained how caste is working in new ways in relationships, friendships, and how communists in Kannur play the politics of caste through their ‘love towards dalits’. Mr. Kallen Pokkudan, the environmentalist, spoke about the transformation of the “Communism of Kerala to BJPism”.

Watch Underworld memories of untouchables

“Love stories in Black letters”, our second documentary, was the filming of a travelogue to a tribal organization called Thudi, in Vayanad, to hear a song of love composed by a group of tribal students. We made this journey an enquiry into the politics of inter-caste marriages in India. Caste experiences/inter-caste marriage experiences were brought out through interviews. It was strange to find that dalits blocked inter-caste marriages among themselves. This was a new revelation in our political thinking. There was a clear caste system prevailing among different communities of dalits. Mr. Hanu, who has an inter-caste marriage, opined that there should be an eradication of caste borders within dalits. He strongly believes that there should be inter-caste marriages among different communities of dalits themselves. I – being a dalit married to a Nair girl – admitted in the documentary that I couldn’t perform my marriage in a fully political style. Mr. Ravi, a Professor in Malayalam, said there is a lack of political consciousness even after different inter-caste marriages. Lovers and inter-caste marriage couples mostly take shelter in Hindu life realms and no dalit politics is formatted or developed after their life together and the offspring are brought up in the Hindu style only. Mr. Jayasurya said that in campus life, in politics, in jokes, in love, and in other experiences there is a clear underlying racism, and dalits are the victims. Love affairs are filtered and partners are selected through the norms of the Hindu caste system. Mr. Arun, research scholar in Hyderabad University, explained to us how Ambedkar put forward inter-caste marriage as a tool against the caste system prevailing in Hindu community of India.

Watch Love stories in Black letters

“Caste has been annihilated in Kerala” is the biggest lie that is heard from different social, cultural and political spheres of Kerala. Those who preach that ‘caste has been annihilated’ can’t really understand what caste is. It is the psychological suppression of dalits in various instances, stages and spheres of life and expelling people from power, money and knowledge in the present world. The people who enjoy all the benefits of caste system avoid debates against caste in Kerala and hold the classic idea that “Untouchables are now no longer untouchables”. This has been proved wrong in a Nursery school in Malappuram.

…

To be contd.

In the next part, Rupesh Kumar writes about how caste in taught to children, how the media can respond to portrayals of caste, of his other productions – both successful and failed, a documentary that took him back, again, to his village, the resistance encoded in rituals (and how these can be hijacked by Brahminical narratives) and the lessons learnt along the way…

Durga Sob: Nepal’s trailblazing Dalit feminist

This interview-report first appeared in the New Internationalist, May 2010, Issue 432. You can find it online here [pdf file].

Durga Sob was just 10 when she realized she was from the Dalit, or ‘untouchable’, class of Nepal: ‘I drank from a water pot that other people used, and by sharing this water, I’d made it ‘unclean’. I was screamed at and chased away. I told my mother and she said: “God made us Dalit, that’s just the way it is.” It was then I knew the pain of being a Dalit, and had to do something to change things.’ The injustices experienced during her childhood in the remote village of Silgadi in western Nepal inspired Durga to found the Feminist Dalit Organization (FEDO) to fight against caste and gender discrimination.

“I felt it was no good if I were the only one who was educated; I had to educate others”

Nepal is one of the poorest countries in Asia and Dalits represent around 20 per cent of the population. The term ‘Dalit’, chosen by the community itself, means ‘broken people’, and although caste discrimination was outlawed in 1963, its practice remains widespread. Dalits are considered polluting and suffer an apartheid of segregation: ‘[We] are often denied proper housing, access to healthcare and other public services, like use of water taps and temples,’ says Durga. ‘Dalit women suffer a triple oppression, and are at the bottom of the pile. As women they’re second-class citizens anyway, but as Dalits they’re subjected to social exclusion, and as the poorest group in Nepal, they experience chronic poverty.’ Indeed, more than 90 per cent of Dalit women live below the poverty line and life expectancy is just 51 years, as opposed to a national average of 59. Education is also denied to many Dalits. Around 80 per cent of Dalit women are illiterate and the first milestone Durga achieved was being admitted to school: ‘My mother, a wonderful woman, encouraged me, despite everyone saying she was wasting her money.’ Dalit girls traditionally work at home and are married young. Despite continual discrimination and bullying, Durga completed school by the age of 16. Realizing that she was equal to her classmates, and again breaking Dalit rank, she started teaching English to other Dalits: ‘I felt it was no good if I were the only one who was educated; I had to educate others. I would bring all the girls to my home and teach them. After this, many went to school and completed their education.’

Moving to Kathmandu when she was 19 years old, Durga started working for ActionAid and it was here that she met the US feminist Robin Morgan and told her about the situation for Dalit women. Although there were many projects which were working to empower Nepali women, none had been initiated to address Dalit women’s specific issues. Morgan encouraged Durga to form FEDO in 1994. The early days were difficult: ‘We needed seven Dalit women on the board before we could register FEDO and it was hard to find educated and committed Dalit women, they were so oppressed.’ Moreover, women in urban areas did not wish to expose themselves as Dalit. Durga also experienced prejudice from other women activists: ‘High caste women would not accept us and I was routinely excluded.’

Durga was, however, used to chronic discrimination and continued to strive for inclusion: ‘Initially, FEDO was small and focused on informal education and income-generation programmes. We began our work in the Lalitput district and held literacy classes for 50 elderly women. These were successful, so later we focused on formal education, health, sanitation, advocacy and awareness.’  FEDO now works in 45 districts in Nepal and has 40,000 members. Some 3,000 Dalit children were sent to school after FEDO’s school enrolment campaign. In addition, 50 Dalit health workers have been trained, 5,000 women have benefited from microfinance programmes, and 2,000 Dalit women’s groups have been established. Nepal is, however, a country in recovery after 10 years of a civil war which ended in 2007, and because of their perceived association with the Maoist guerrillas, the Dalit community bore the brunt of the violence. Dalit women are particularly vulnerable to all forms of gender violence, including domestic abuse, trafficking for prostitution and rape as a weapon of war. In response to this, FEDO began working in partnership with the British-based organization Womankind to establish healing and support units for Dalit women survivors of violence. There are now four centres and almost 1,800 women have benefited: ‘The healing centres have seen an overwhelming response and for the first time, Dalit women have been able to break the taboo of talking about the violence they’ve experienced. Many now understand that violence doesn’t have to be a part of their everyday lives.’

Also crucial to empowerment is education around rights, and FEDO makes use of CEDAW, the international bill of rights for women, as legislative support: ‘We provide training for women about how to file cases to police to ensure that they have equal access to justice,’ explains Durga. ‘Women often immediately practise what they have learnt and CEDAW is seen as a basis on which to fight back against oppression. This is a vast shift in perception for Dalit women.’

The current post-war situation in Nepal, as well as being a time of challenge, also represents an opportunity for the community. Following the 2006 Peace Agreement, political parties are currently formulating a new constitution for the country: ‘Up until now, in terms of participation and representation, there have been no Dalit women in positions of power. However, this is changing: 25 Dalit women have been elected as members of the Constituent Assembly and this is one my happiest achievements. The constitution-making process is a unique opportunity to ensure that the constitution will guarantee equality and, for the first time in Nepali history, Dalit women are represented in political processes.’ Durga’s pride is palpable: ‘It’s taken 15 years, and it’s still early days, but FEDO has created an environment where Dalit women have started to see themselves as respectable citizens.’

***
Durga Sob spoke with Claire Colley for the New Internationalist (NI). According to the description here [pdf file], the NI workers’ co-operative exists to report on issues of world poverty and inequality; to focus attention on the unjust relationship between the powerful and the powerless worldwide; to debate and campaign for the radical changes necessary to meet the basic needs of all; and to bring to life the people, the ideas and the action in the fight for global justice.

Fact Finding report on the attack on Panchayat President Krishnaveni – Part II

Translation of the second portion of the report on ‘Murderous attack on the Thalaiyuthu Panchayat President Mrs. Krishnaveni; Investigative field visit conducted by Collective of Socially Concerned Academicians, Writers and Human Rights Activists – Tirunelveli – on June 18-19, 2011′. Read the first portion here.

(Download the the entire Fact-Finding Report in Tamil here)

…

5. The immediate provocation for the murderous attack on 13.06.2011, Monday night, is said to be this: There has been a difference of opinion between the Panchayat President and the Ward Member Mr. Subramanian alias Subbu, who lives in West Thalaiyuthu, on the issue of building a public toilet on the canal poromboke land. Subbu had vehemently opposed the building of a toilet on land adjacent to the canal behind his house. Though Subbu and another Ward Member Meerankani had opposed this, members of the Konar caste and other castes living in that area were aware that a public toilet was needed for women and had chosen that location to build the toilet. The decision to build in the location chosen by the people had been taken after discussion at the Village Council Meeting.

Thinking that it was an insult to have a toilet built behind his house, Mr. Subbu had expressed constant opposition and had also complained about this to the district administration. One week before the incident, he had also obtained a stay on building a public toilet in that location. The district administration had taken this decision, citing a rule that buildings cannot be built in canal poromboke land. Opposing this decision, Mrs. Krishnaveni had gathered people of various communities and had submitted a petition on the morning of the day of the incident.

6. Despite knowing that the affected person belonged to the Hindu Arunthathiyar community, the Thalaiyuthu Inspector, who registered the F.I.R. (no. 213/11) after the murderous attack on the Panchayat President, did not file the case under the Prevention of Atrocities act but only filed it under such sections of the Indian Penal Code as 341, 294(b), 323, 307 and under Sec. 4 of Tamil Nadu Prohibition of Harassment of Women Act 2002. The day after the incident, the Athithamilar Peravai, Tamil Puligal and other human rights organisations held protests outside the Collectorate, as a result of which the F.I.R. was changed to the Prevention of Atrocities Act 3(2)(5) and sent to court. [341, 294(b), 323, 324, 307 IPC and Division 4 of TNPHW Act 2002 r/w 3(2)(5) of SC/ST (PoA) Act]

7. Police officials continue to view this attack purely as a law and order problem; they do not have a holistic view of this murderous attack with multiple facets. They express dissatisfaction with the fact that Mrs. Krishnaveni was extremely honest and did not take bribes. The belief that that this attack could have been prevented, if she had been a little crooked, is obvious.

8. Neither the Block Development Officer nor the District Collector went to hospital to see Mrs. Krishnaveni till 18.06.2011, despite the fact that she has survived such a murderous attack with multiple cut wounds, a lost ear and is still battling for life. This shows the lack of compassion of the government machinery (district administration).

9. Mrs. Krishnaveni is afraid now that there is insufficient protection for her and her family, despite her continuous honest and skilful administration. The fear that will arise in similar honest, skilful Panchayat Presidents who work for the people, other such representatives and government officials will pose a challenge to grassroots democracy, people’s participation and honest administration.

Recommendations:
1. The district administration and the police should immediately provide sufficient protection to the Thalaiyuthu Panchayat President Mrs. Krishnaveni, who was subject to the murderous attack and belongs to the Arunthathiyar community, and her family. Armed guards should be provided, given the fact that there have been continual threats to her life earlier too.

2. The government has provided the compensation of Rs. 50,000 due to victims of atrocities under the Prevention of Atrocities act to Mrs. Krishnaveni two days ago. Keeping in mind the character and cruelty of this murderous attack, she should be given Rs. 3 lakh. Additional attention must be paid to her medical treatment and provisions must be made for her speedy recovery.

3. The police must take up a free and fair investigation into the multiple complaints that Mrs. Krishnaveni had filed earlier. Proper steps must be taken to follow-up such investigation soon.

4. The Thalaiyuthu Inspector K. Palthurai, who did not investigate any of the complaints that Mrs. Krishnaveni had filed over the last five years, should be transferred immediately. The department should take suitable disciplinary action on him.

5. The Tamil Nadu government should provide additional security to Panchayat Presidents/elected representatives from the downtrodden, Arunthathiyar communities and for female representatives in other regions of Tamil Nadu, especially in the southern districts.

6. In panchayats where the presidents are elected from the downtrodden communities, the vice-president post should also be reserved for such communities. Similarly, in panchayats where women from downtrodden communities are elected, the vice-president post should also be reserved for women of such communities. (In most places, such an arrangement would greatly speed up the implementation of schemes for the welfare of the people and ease the process of joint signing of cheques.)

…

To be contd.
Testimonies of others interviewed follows in the next part. Testimonies of Krishnaveni and her daughter are already available in translation.

In response to the brutal attack on Thalaiyuthu Panchayat President Krishnaveni, this is the eighteenth in a series of posts about attempts on the lives of dalit panchayat presidents. This attack has hospitalised an award-winning and popular elected leader and underlines the threat that caste poses to democracy.

 

Fact Finding report on the attack on Panchayat President Krishnaveni – Part I

Translation of the first portion of the report on ‘Murderous attack on the Thalaiyuthu Panchayat President Mrs. Krishnaveni; Investigative field visit conducted by Collective of Socially Concerned Academicians, Writers and Human Rights Activists – Tirunelveli – on June 18-19, 2011’(Download the the entire Fact-Finding Report in Tamil here)

Tirunelveli district, Manur Panchayat Union, Thalaiyuthu Panchayat President Mrs. Krishnaveni was hacked cruelly by a murderous gang on 13.06.2011, Monday night at 10 p.m., and was admitted, battling for life, to the Tirunelveli District Government Hospital. Ever since Mrs. Krishnaveni, who belongs to the downtrodden Arunthathiyar community, was elected as the Panchayat President, there have been continuous threats to her life.

To examine the reasons for and the background of this murderous attack, to learn the actions of the government administration and the police following this incident and to provide recommendations on how to prevent such terrible incidents occurring to dalit panchayat presidents, a group of socially concerned academicians, writers and human rights activists from Tirunelveli have undertaken a field study between June 18-19 to determine the facts of the case.

Members of this group:
1. Prof. T. Paramasivan, Senate member, Thanjavur Tamil University
2. Prof. J. Amalanathan, Economics Dept., St. Xavier’s College, Palayamkottai
3. Prof. P. Santhi, Visual Communications Dept., St. Xavier’s College, Palayamkottai
4. Mr. Lena Kumar, Yaathumaagi Publishers, Palayamkottai
5. Advocate G. Ramesh, District Committee Member, Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist), Palayamkottai
6. Mr. S. Ganesan, Regional Coordinator, People’s Watch – Tamil Nadu
7. Advocate M. Britto, Director, Vanmugil, & Organiser, Thamiraparani Panbaattu Arangam
8. Mr. P. Mariappan, Coordinator, Vanmugil, Human Rights Activist

People interviewed during the field study
*Mrs. Krishnaveni (36), Thalaiyuthu Panchayat President
*Ms. Bhuvaneswari (16), (Krishnaveni’s daughter)
*Mrs. Chellamma (50), from the Nadar community, the one who took Krishnaveni in an auto to admit her to the Tirunelveli Government General Hospital
*Mr. Jayaraj (45), from the Arunthathiyar community, worker in the Sankar Cements factory
*Subbu Konar’s wife, West Thalaiyuthu
*50-year-old man (did not wish to reveal name)
*Mr. Meerankani(50), Panchayat Vice President
*Panchayat Plumber (Muslim)
*Mr. Subbiah (77), from the Nadar community (Has a teashop opposite the Karuppasamy temple)
*Owner of petty shop in North Thalaiyuthu (A woman from the Moopanar community)
*Woman who has a teashop near the location of the attack
*Youth from Gokulam Nagar, North Thalaiyuthu
*Mr. R. Prakash, Thalaiyuthu Police Inspector
*Mr. R. Balakrishnan, Thalaiyuthu Police Deputy Superintendent (investigating official)

On the morning of the first day of the field study (18.06.2011), details were collected through a meeting with Thalaiyuthu Panchayat President Mrs. Krishnaveni, who was attacked and has been admitted to the Tirunelveli Government General Hospital and is receiving treatment as an in-patient at the Intensive Care Unit. Following that, additional information about the incident was collected from Krishnaveni’s husband Mr. Poyyamani, her daughter Ms. Bhuvaneswari and the person who brought her to hospital in an auto, Mrs. Chellamma.

That evening, information was collected from many people in Thalaiyuthu about the incident and its background, with visits to the location where the incident took place (the path to Krishnaveni’s house, the street adjoining the library building) and the location chosen for building a public toilet which is said to be the immediate reason for the attack (Gokulam Nagar – near the canal).

The next day, Sunday (19.06.2011) noon, Inspector Prakash was interviewed at the Thalaiyuthu Police Station. Finally, on the morning of 24.06.2011, the investigating officer for this case, the Thalaiyuthu Police Deputy Superintendent In-charge Mr. R. Balakrishnan provided further details about the case. On the basis of the testimonies received during the field study, with the information gathered during these visits, this committee here places the details that were gathered and its recommendations to prevent such incidents from recurring in the future.

Facts found during the field study:

1. Panchayat President Krishnaveni, who was attacked cruelly on 13.06.2011 (Monday) night, barely escaping with her life and now receiving treatment, has always acted with great honesty and courage. She had contested as an independent in the last Panchayat elections in Thalaiyuthu Panchayat and had won by a margin of 700 votes. In the last five years, she has actively taken up several schemes for the development of Thalaiyuthu panchayat. It is notable that she received the Sarojini Naidu award for 2009 from the hands of the Indian President Pratibha Patil for best implementation (among panchayats in the district) of the National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme. Many people of other castes praise her for this. Her remarkable courage and honesty and her astonishing ability and skill in administration are worthy of praise.

2. Her honest and efficient functioning as panchayat president angered some ward members belonging to other castes. They had continually objected to her methods of functioning which had ensured that they could not take bribes from the people, or ‘earn’ money in other ways. Their jealousy of a woman from the most oppressed Arunthathiyar community administering with such skill and their dominant caste arrogance found expression occasionally.

3. This had led to her receiving continual threats and opposition to her work over the past five years. Though she had widespread support from across communities, certain rich and well-connected individuals/ward members had continued to oppose her. Besides acting as blocks to the functioning of the panchayat president, this opposition also was an expression of dominant caste arrogance. To file complaints against the ward members and the vice-president who were not allowing her to carry out her duties over the past five years, she has given petitions to people including the Block Development Officer, Scheme Officer (Development), Police Inspector, District Police Superintendent and the Collector on 04.04.2007, 16.10.2007, 04.04.2008, 08.04.2008, 02.05.2008, 23.06.2008, 26.11.2008, 22.01.2009, 03.06.2010, and 15.08.2010.

On several occasions, these complaints were not investigated properly by the police. It is to be noted that the belief that ‘this woman is like this only, she will file Prevention of Atrocity cases and pester us for everything’, was prevalent. Though a few complaints were noted in the Thalaiyuthu Police Station as First Information Reports (FIRs), many others were left in cold storage with no action whatsoever.

4. It is possible to see the dominant caste arrogance prevalent among the ward members of other castes who are unable to accept that a woman of the Arunthathiyar community can bear political power and rule the Panchayat. These sedimented dominating tendencies of caste society are visible in the multiple attempts to prevent Panchayat President Krishnaveni from carrying out her duties. Grabbing the notebook with announcements which she brought to the Village Council meeting (26.01.2011), twisting her arm and threatening to beat her up, preventing her from hoisting the flag at an Independence Day celebration (15.08.2010), preventing her from carrying out welfare activities (08.04.2008) are some of the atrocities that are an expression of the casteist feeling that froths within the dominant castes. (This is reminscent of the situation a few years ago in this same Tirunelveli district, when Panchayat Presidents of Nakkalamuthanpatti, Jaggaiyan, and Maruthankinaru, Servaaran, who belonged to the Arunthathiyar community were murdered by members of the dominant castes. In a similar manner, 15 years ago, near Madurai, Panchayat President Mr. Murugesan and his six relatives were cruelly hacked to death.)

…

To be contd.

Further facts noted from the field visits and recommendations follow in the next part. Testimonies of Krishnaveni and her daughter from the latter part of this report are already available in translation.

In response to the brutal attack on Thalaiyuthu Panchayat President Krishnaveni, this is the seventeenth in a series of posts about attempts on the lives of dalit panchayat presidents. This attack has hospitalised an award-winning and popular elected leader and underlines the threat that caste poses to democracy.

Reporting the murder of Servaaran

From the Fact-finding Investigation Report into the alleged murder of Servaaran a Dalit Panchayat president from Thirunelveli District, March 2007

Information from news paper reports and Dalit rights organisations revealed that Mr.Servaaran, a Dalit and newly elected village Panchayat President, aged around 65 years of Maruthankinaru Panchayat, Tirunelveli District, was allegedly murdered by upper caste Thevar people of the same panchayat. It is known that Mr.Harikrishnan (Thevar) husband of Ex-Panchayat President Ms.Poolammal had set up Servaaran to contest in the election so that he would function as a benami President. The present Vice-President of the Village Panchayat Sumathi (Thevar) and her husband Neliraja Rathinam due to a family dispute with Mr.Harikrishnan supported another dalit candidate Mr.Chelladurai (Pallar, Sub-caste) for the President’s post. But Servaaran won the president’s post in the election. Sumathi who was elected as Vice President did not want to work under a dalit (Arunthathiyar) President. She and her husband had on several occasions insulted Servaaran, Servaaran had filed two complaints against them in Panavadali Chathiram Police station. It is said that Sumathi and her husband threatened Servaaran with dire consequences for filing a complaint on them. On 19.2.07 around 5.30 am Servaaran was dead about 50 mtrs.from his residence.

Human Rights – Kalam, Tirunelveli, Human Rights Advocacy and Research Foundation (HRF) together with Human Rights Forum for Dalit Liberation (HRFDL) commissioned a Fact Finding Investigation into the death of Servaaran – Dalit Panchayat President, belonging to the Arundatiyar Community (Sub caste among Dalits) of Marthankinaru Panchayat, Kuruvikulam Panchayat Union, Tirunelveli District on 19.02.07.

…

Details about the Village:-

Maruthankinaru Panchayat comprises people from the Thevars caste, Pallars (dalit) and Arunthathiyars (dalit). Thevar comprises of more than 600 families, Pallars – 60 -70 families, and Arunthathiyars comprise of only 15 families. The village has a Primary School only. For High School the students have to travel to Sayamalai (3 kms away from the village) and for Higher Secondary School to Sankaran Koil (7 kms away)

The village does not have a Primary Health Care Centre. A village nurse comes once a week. To visit a hospital the villagers have to travel 4-7 Kms to Kalugumalai. There are some tiled houses (given under Government Group House Schemes) built during the previous term of panchayat council headed by Poolammal W/o.Harikrishnan’s wife. Only small area has been allotted for the burial of Arunthathiyars portion of that area occupied by Pallars. At a time only one or two dead bodies can be buried. The pathway to burial ground is very narrow and rough.

Arunthathiyars don’t have a separate place earmarked for toilet. They have to go to the Pallar’s area only. They don’t even have a place to dump their waste. They are working in land belonging to Thevars, and a few on the land owned by the Pallars. The women and the girls are working in the matchbox industry on a daily wage basis. They are get paid approximately Rs.40/-.per day.

The practice of two tumbler system is adopted in the tea shops. The son of Mr.Servaaran has completed ninth standard. Servaaran was working as an labourer in the lands owned by Thevars and Pallars. His son working as office assistant in St. Joseph Matric School, Nagercoil.

As Mr.Servaaran got his daughters married with less expenses. The third daughter Kaliammal (19years) is working in a match factory for daily wages (Rs.40 to 50 daily). Kaliammal’s daily wage is the only source of income for the family.

Details about the election:-

Ms.Poolammal W/o.Harikrishnan (Thevar) was the elected president of Maruthankinaru for the period from 1996-2006. Mr.Harikrishnan was working as a benami for Poolammal. The two groups of the dominant caste people supported two separate dalit candidates. Mr.Servaaran was supported by the groups lead by Mr.Harikrishnan. In 2006 Panchayat election Maruthankinaru’s Village Panchayat President seat was reserved for schedule caste. Thevar families in the village were divided into two groups. The other groups supported Mr. Chelladurai S/o Veerakumar who belongs to the Pallar sub-caste of the Dalit community. Servaaran, Chelladurai and Mookammal from Pallar Community contested for the post of President. Mr.Servaaran was elected as Panchayat President of Maruthankinaru by 509 votes. The following ward members and vice president were elected.

1.      Sumathi (Thevar) Vice President w/o Neeli Raja Rathinam
2.      Subramaniyam – Pallar (Ward Member)
3.      Ramuthaye   - Pallar (Ward Member)
4.      Perumal Thevar – Thevar (Ward Member)
5.      Velu – Konar (Ward Member)
6.      Thavashi – Thevar (Ward Member)

Mr.Servaaran was working as sweeper during the previous terms of Ms.Poolammal. He was also working in the house of the President.

Ms. Poolammal (Ex-President) wife of Harikrishnan contested for the post of ward member, but she lost to Sumathi (Present Vice President) by one vote.

About the incident:

Sumathi Vice-President is said to have an ongoing enmity with Mr. Harikrishnan. Harikrishnan is Neelarajaratinam’s (husband of Sumathi) uncle. The 2 families already are engaged in several property disputes. The report given to Mr.Servaaran by Harikrishnan angered Sumathi. After the elections, Sumathi and her husband threatened Mr.Servaaran on several occasions and demanded total obedience to Vice-President and to approve her administration in Panchayat Office. Mr.Servaaran was not even allowed to sit in his chair. Only when government officials visited the office, he was allowed to sit on the chair. Ms.Sumathi, Vice-President with the help of panchayat clerk P.Selvam voluntarily took incharge in executing panchayat development work.

Condemning the authoritative behaviour of Vice-President Sumathi and her husband Mr. Servaaran filed a complaint in Panavadali Chatiram Police Station on 27/12/2006 against Sumathi and her husband. When this act was questioned by Servaaran, they abused him using his caste name. Though the police refused to file Servaaran’s complaint, due to pressure later they filed it in CSR. The police comportment the case.

On 26.01.2007 Servaaran gave another complaint against Sumathi for keeping the purchased street lights in her custody. The also police didn’t register the case.

In there circumstances Mr. Servaaran was found dead while he went to in the early morning of 19.2.07. The dead body was found by a girl Kaliammal, a relative of Servaaran.

The D.S.P and inspector of Panavadalisathiram went to the spot and the body was sent to Sankarankovil Government Hospital for post mortem.
On 20.02.2007 morning and Mr.Servaaran’s family along with 300 people staged a dharna near Sankarankoil Government Hospital demanding that Mr.Servaaran’s death be recorded as murder in the FIR and arrest the murderers under SC & ST Prevention of Atrocities Act.
On hearing the murder of Mr.Servaaran, M.Bharathan Director, KALAM, Mr.Mariadhoss, President Arunthathiyar Mahasaba, Mr.S.Vijayakumar, Advocate, Gowthaman and Sathiyantha Kumar rushed to the Hospital where post mortem was being done. They refused to receive the body of Servaaran and protested to make a change in the FIR from 174 CRPC into sec.302 IPC and PA Sec.3(2) (5) SC/ST Act. According to post mortem report the body suffered from several internal injuries and blood clotting in the blood vessels. It may have occured due to the shock of external attack. Cadres from DPI, Puthithamizhagam, Adithamizar Peravai, Immanuval Peravai, Arunthathiyar Democratic Front also took part in the struggle. The demands of this struggle at this stage were.

1.         Register the case under SC&ST Prevention of Atrocities Act 3(2) (5) SC/ST.
2.         Pay Rs.2 lakhs as compensation for the affected family.
3.         Mr.Raman S/o.Servaaran should be given a government job.
4.         Immediate arrest of culprits

***

Another excerpt from this report is online here. In response to the brutal attack on Thalaiyuthu Panchayat President Krishnaveni, this is the sixteenth in a series of posts about attempts on the lives of dalit panchayat presidents. This attack has hospitalised an award-winning and popular elected leader and underlines the threat that caste poses to democracy.